social movement

Introduction

      loosely organized but sustained campaign in support of a social goal, typically either the implementation or the prevention of a change in society's structure or values. Although social movements differ in size, they are all essentially collective. That is, they result from the more or less spontaneous coming together of people whose relationships are not defined by rules and procedures but who merely share a common outlook on society.

      Collective behaviour in crowds, panics, and elementary forms (milling, etc.) are of brief duration or episodic and are guided largely by impulse. When short-lived impulses give way to long-term aims, and when sustained association takes the place of situational groupings of people, the result is a social movement.

Characteristics of social movements

 A movement is not merely a perpetuated crowd, since a crowd does not possess organizational and motivational mechanisms capable of sustaining membership through periods of inaction and waiting. Furthermore, crowd mechanisms cannot be used to achieve communication and coordination of activity over a wide area, such as a nation or continent. A movement is a mixture of organization and spontaneity. There is usually one or more organizations that give identity, leadership, and coordination to the movement, but the boundaries of the movement are never coterminous with the organizations. For example, although organizations such as California's Sierra Club are influential in the movement to preserve the natural environment, anyone who works for the cause and interacts with other workers for this purpose is a member of the conservationist movement. The famous John Brown (Brown, John) was not a member of any major abolitionist organization, but his martyrdom made him a leader and symbol for the movement, even though organizational leaders were reluctant to recognize him.

Ralph H. Turner Neil J. Smelser

Social movements and social change

      All definitions of social movement reflect the notion that social movements are intrinsically related to social change. They do not encompass the activities of people as members of stable social groups with established, unquestioned structures, norms, and values. The behaviour of members of social movements does not reflect the assumption that the social order will continue essentially as it is. It reflects, instead, the faith that people collectively can bring about or prevent social change if they will dedicate themselves to the pursuit of a goal. Uncommitted observers may regard these goals as illusions, but to the members they are hopes that are quite capable of realization. Asked about his activities, the member of a social movement would not reply, “I do this because it has always been done” or “It's just the custom.” He is aware that his behaviour is influenced by the goal of the movement: to bring about a change in the way things have “always” been done or sometimes to prevent such a change from coming about.

The membership

      The quixotic efforts of bold, imaginative individuals do not constitute social movements. A social movement is a collectivity or a collective enterprise. The individual member experiences a sense of membership in an alliance of people who share his dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs and his vision of a better order. Like a group, a social movement is a collectivity with a common goal and shared values.

      The sense of membership suggests that the individual is subject to some discipline. In addition to shared values, a social movement possesses norms. These norms prescribe behaviour that will symbolize the member's loyalty to the social movement, strengthen his commitment to it, and set him apart from nonmembers. The norms prohibit behaviour that may cause embarrassment to the movement or provide excuses for attacks by opponents. Commitment is strengthened by participation in group activities with other members and by engaging in actions, individual or collective, that publicly define the individual as a committed member.

      A social movement also provides guidelines as to how members should think. Norms of this kind constitute something resembling a “party line”—a definition of the “correct” position for members to take with regard to specific issues. There is subtle pressure on the individual to espouse this position even in the absence of personal knowledge of the arguments for it. Not every member can be expected to study and think through the philosophy that justified the movement and its values. ideology provides him with a ready-made, presumably authoritative set of arguments.

      One of the defining characteristics of a social movement is that it is relatively long lasting; the activity of the membership is sustained over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing. A social movement is usually large, but, like duration, largeness is only relative. Some social movements, lasting many decades, may enlist hundreds of thousands of members. Some movements take place within the boundaries of a specific secondary group, such as a religious association or a local community, and may include only a few score or a few hundred members.

      The exact size of a social movement is impossible to determine exactly, for membership is not formally defined. Indeed, one of the salient characteristics of a social movement is the semiformal character of its structure. It lacks the fully developed, formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. The leaders do not possess authority in the sense of legitimatized power, and members are not formally inducted. The informal, noncontractual quality of membership and the absence of formal decision-making procedures place a premium on faith and loyalty on the part of members. While not all members display these traits, the ideal member gives his total, unselfish loyalty to the movement. Since no legal obligation is assumed on becoming a member, either to conform to the movement's norms or to remain a member, commitment to the movement and its values becomes one of the most important sources of control. The deeply committed member, accepting without question the decisions and orders conveyed by the leaders, sacrificing self, family, and friends if required to do so, is likely to be regarded by outsiders as a fanatic. Some students of social movements, particularly those whose analysis has a psychoanalytic orientation, have suggested that the fanaticism of dedicated members results from individual psychopathological states. An alternative explanation is that the social movement becomes a reference group that provides the member with a new and deviant view of social reality. His basic assumptions about the nature of the social order become so divergent from those of the “normal” members of society that his logic and conclusions are incomprehensible to them.

Types of social movements

      There is no single, standard typology of social movements. As various scholars focus on different aspects of movements, different schemes of classification emerge. Hence any social movement may be described in terms of several dimensions.

      Many attempts at categorization direct attention to the objective of the movement. The social institution in or through which social change is to be brought about provides one basis for categorizing social movements as political, religious, economic, educational, and the like. It may be argued that all movements tend to be either political or religious in character, depending upon whether their strategy aims at changing political structures or the moral values of individuals.

      A commonly used but highly subjective distinction is that between “reform” and “revolutionary” movements. Such a distinction implies that a reform movement advocates a change that will preserve the existing values but will provide improved means of implementing them. The revolutionary (revolution) movement, on the other hand, is regarded as advocating replacement of existing values. Almost invariably, however, the members of a so-called revolutionary movement insist that it is they who cherish the true values of the society and that it is the opponents who define the movement as revolutionary and subversive of basic, traditional values.

      Some attempts to characterize movements involve the direction and the rate of change advocated. Adjectives such as radical, reactionary, moderate, liberal, and conservative are often used for such purposes. In this context the designations “revolutionary” and “reform” are often employed in a somewhat different sense than that described above, with the implication that a revolutionary movement advocates rapid, precipitous change while a reform movement works for slow, evolutionary change.

      Killian advances still another typology based on the direction of the change advocated or opposed. A reactionary movement advocates the restoration of a previous state of social affairs, while a progressive movement argues for a new social arrangement. A conservative (conservatism) movement opposes the changes proposed by other movements, or those seeming to develop through cultural drift, and advocates preservation of existing values and norms.

      Turner and Killian argue that it is useful at times to categorize social movements on the basis of their public definition, the character of the opposition evoked, and the means of action available to the movement. This scheme is designed to eliminate the subjective evaluation of goals inherent in such categories as reform and revolutionary. A movement that does not appear to threaten the values or interests of any significant segment of society is publicly defined as respectable. If there is no competing movement advocating the same objective, it is also nonfactional. The respectable nonfactional movement must contend primarily with the problems of disinterest and token support, but it has access to legitimate means of promoting its values. A respectable factional movement must contend with competing movements advocating the same general objective but also has access to legitimate means of extending its influence. A movement that appears to threaten the values of powerful and significant interest groups within the society is publicly defined as revolutionary and encounters violent suppression. As a result, it is denied access to legitimate means of promoting its program. Another type of movement is defined as neither respectable nor dangerous but as peculiar; this type, seen as odd but harmless, encounters ridicule and has limited access to legitimate means.

      Social movements may also be categorized on the basis of the general character of their strategy and tactics; for instance, whether they are legitimate or underground. The popular distinction between radical and moderate movements reflects this sort of categorization. An obvious difference between types of movements depends upon their reliance on violent or nonviolent tactics. But a nonviolent movement may also be defined as revolutionary or radical because it accepts civil disobedience, rather than legal or parliamentary maneuvering, as a major feature of its strategy. It should be added that the distinction between violent and nonviolent movements is a relative one because a movement may shift rapidly from one to the other as it develops.

The dynamics of social movements

      As an enduring, sustained collectivity a social movement undergoes significant changes during its existence. This characteristic has led some scholars to formulate a theory of a “life cycle” or “natural history” common to all social movements. Other scholars question the value of the life-cycle (life cycle) approach to social movements, arguing that empirical studies of numerous movements fail to support the notion of invariant stages of development. Smelser suggests as an alternative a value-added theory, which postulates that while a number of determinants are necessary for the occurrence of a social movement, they need not occur in any particular order. Some may be present for some time without effect only to be activated later by the addition of another determinant. At most it can be said that the idea of the life cycle permits the discovery of conditions that must be present if any movement is to proceed from one stage to another. It may also help identify the conditions that cause a movement to change direction. Still, it can be said that a social movement has a career; for as it endures it always undergoes changes in many of its characteristics, though the sequence of these changes may vary from movement to movement.

Progressive changes in leadership and membership

      One of the most apparent changes is a shift in leadership. In its earliest stages the strongest influence on a movement is likely to be the charismatic leader who personally symbolizes its values. At some point intellectuals play a leadership role by contributing to the developing ideology of the movement. And if a movement endures and grows for any length of time, administrative leaders arise who are concerned with the practical matters of organization and strategy. Influence in the movement may shift between these types.

      Usually the membership of a movement grows during its career, which introduces an element of greater heterogeneity. In the early stages the followers typically are deeply committed with an almost fanatical dedication to the movement's values. If the movement gains a measure of respectability in some segment of society, members may be acquired who are not deeply committed. They are likely to have significant reservations about the movement, and their participation is sporadic. This heterogeneity also can be the basis for internal conflict in a movement. On the other hand, if a movement is publicly defined as revolutionary and subjected to harsh oppression, the membership is likely to be reduced mainly to deeply committed converts or to fanatics who derive some satisfaction from the feeling of being persecuted.

Progressive changes in goals and strategies

      The goals rarely remain unchanged. As the movement endures and grows, they are likely to become broader and vaguer than they were at the beginning. Proposals for limited, specific reforms become embedded within programs of general social reform. As the leaders and members begin to acquire a sense of power through early victories, the power orientations of the movement may increase. Acquisition of greater power by the population segment that the movement purportedly represents, rather than the implementation of the values of the movement, then becomes a goal. At the same time, the statement of the movement's aim in acquiring power becomes vaguer and more utopian.

      Changes also occur in the strategy, which may tend in either of two general directions. It may emphasize personal transformation, bringing about social change by converting a majority of society to implement the values by their actions. Or it may emphasize a strategy of societal manipulation, changing social institutions so that the program may be implemented without regard to the number of people favouring the new order. Failure of a movement to gain a large number of converts, combined with indications that it has at its disposal effective means of coercion, leads to a shift to this type of strategy.

      Strategy and changes in strategy are strongly influenced by the relationship of the social movement to the larger society and to other social movements. The social structure and the prevailing belief system may suggest either that change can be brought about by changing the hearts and minds of the individual members or that individuals have little effect on the social order. A public definition of the movement as dangerous and subversive may force it to rely increasingly on a strategy of societal manipulation, including violent tactics. The opposition posed by a countermovement may have the same effect, making attempts at persuasion difficult and dangerous and causing a nonviolent, noncoercive movement to use force.

Relations between structural elements

      As a collectivity, a social movement is characterized by an emergent social structure and a culture. The social structure is reflected in the relationship between leaders and followers, the culture in the values and norms.

      Unlike an association, a social movement does not possess legitimate leaders in the sense of being endowed with authority through some formal process. Leaders must constantly substantiate their claims to leadership by demonstrating the effectiveness of their influence on the followers. There is a relationship of reciprocal influence. The followers, for their part, lack institutionalized means of making their influence felt, such as referendums, legislatures, or periodic elections of leaders. It falls to the leaders, therefore, to formulate policies and decisions that will strike a responsive note in their following. Having advanced such proposals, they must rely on either persuasion or coercion to create the illusion that these are collective decisions made by the entire movement. propaganda thus becomes an important tool of leadership.

      Propaganda is also important for maintaining morale and unity. A social movement lacks both the intimacy of a primary group and the formal boundaries of an association. The speeches and writings of leaders serve, in part, to assure the followers of the size, the strength, and the potential for success of the movement—matters difficult for the followers to observe directly. Movements do utilize interpersonal relations to enhance their unity, encouraging small groups of members to meet frequently in circumstances in which they can form personal ties. Mass meetings and parades, with the accompanying ritual, reduce the feelings of isolation that scattered members may experience. Of extraordinary value to a movement is the example of martyrs (martyr) whose fate arouses indignation in the members, symbolizes unreserved commitment, and lightens the burden of sacrifices.

      The culture of a movement encompasses norms and values. Norms are standardized expectations of behaviour developed by members. Values include the program and the ideology. The program is the scheme of change, the new social order that the movement proposes to bring about. The ideology is a body of ideas justifying the program and the strategy of the movement. It usually includes a reinterpretation of history, a projection of the utopia that the success of the movement will introduce, a projection of the disastrous consequences of failure, and a reevaluation of the relationship between population segments and the movement.

The causes of social movements

      Both individual psychological states and the characteristics of a society at a particular time may be considered as causes of social movements.

Psychological factors

      Individual factors are psychological (psychology) states that either convince a person to join a movement or so weaken his commitment to conventional groups that he is willing to risk their disapproval because of his belief in an unpopular cause. Failure to achieve a satisfying status and identity within normal membership groups may be such a factor. The prestige and sense of belonging, which such a person may gain as a member of a social movement, may be even more important to him than the values of the movement. alienation, feelings of powerlessness, hopelessness, and estrangement from society may predispose an individual to participation. Some scholars argue, however, that there are different kinds of alienation. One type leads merely to apathy and resignation. Political alienation, however, reflects a loss of faith in the political community and predisposes the individual to join a movement that challenges it.

      Deprivation, discontent, and frustration are frequently assumed to be sufficient causes for initiating or joining a social movement. The relationship is not a simple one, however. There is little evidence that the most deprived segments of a population are the most likely to participate in social movements. The concept of relative deprivation has been used to explain the fact that persons who could be much worse off than they are but still feel deprived in comparison with even more fortunate groups often play a prominent part in social movements.

Social factors

      An important task of the student of social movements is to identify those conditions under which social movements are most likely to arise. While the existence of widespread poverty and suffering might seem sufficient to give rise to efforts at reform, it must be emphasized again that some basis for hope must also exist to stir people to make the effort. Paradoxically, partial alleviation of conditions of deprivation may provide such a basis, serving as the impetus for the formation of a social movement just as things seem to be getting better. The success of other people similarly situated, such as victorious revolutionaries in a neighbouring nation, may be another source of hope.

      More general theories of the origin of social movements, such as those of Smelser, Turner, and Killian, suggest that social change may result in strains or conflicts in one or more crucial aspects of the social order. Normative strain arises when changing conditions create a situation in which the established norms no longer lead to the attainment of important, accepted values. Strain in values arises when the values themselves seem to interfere with the satisfaction of important needs of a segment of the society. This sort of strain often arises when different groups, such as immigrants, minorities, or the younger generation, develop values that conflict with those of more established groups. Even with little change in norms and values, changes in social structure reflected in the failure of important functionaries to play their roles adequately may lead to discontent.

      The general nature of the belief system existing in the culture of a society affects the likelihood that social movements will arise and defines the type that will occur. For example, a system that is essentially fatalistic is less conducive to social movements, particularly those with a strategy of societal manipulation, than one that emphasizes the perfectibility of man and his control over his own fate.

Other theories

      Since the early 1970s two new strands of theory and empirical research have arisen, one in the United States and one in western Europe. The first, called resource mobilization theory, takes as its starting point a critique of those theories that explain social movements as arising from conditions of social disorganization and strain and as finding their recruits among the isolated and alienated in society. By contrast, research mobilization theorists argue that the success of social movements rests mainly on the resources that are available to it; this means forming coalitions with already-existing organizations, securing financial support, and mounting effective and organized campaigns of political pressure. As a result of this emphasis, resource mobilization theorists downplay the factor of ideology—and irrational factors generally—in the study of social movements.

      The second theory is the new social movement theory. It derives from an intellectual dissatisfaction with the predominantly Marxist view that treats social movements as reflecting a fundamental struggle among classes organized around economic production. That theory, it is argued, has become less relevant as these classes have been drawn into collective bargaining, the welfare system, and other social advancements within the state. The “new social movements” that have arisen in their place are interpreted as struggles against the social inequalities, the dominance of the mass media, and other features of postindustrial capitalism and the welfare state. These include youth, feminist, peace, and ecological movements, as well as the rise of group conflicts based on ethnicity and race. Jürgen Habermas, a German sociologist, interpreted such movements as protests against the excessive size and rationality of the state and its bureaucracies and their intrusion into the private worlds of individuals.

The consequences of social movements

      It has been suggested that the committed participant in a social movement undergoes a psychological reorganization. It is clear that his new sense of security and importance is acquired at the sacrifice of autonomy. As a loyal member he tends to let the leaders do his thinking for him, suppressing doubts as to the validity of the ideology and the wisdom of the leader's decision. He repeats their arguments in a dogmatic fashion; persons who are not in the movement find it difficult to debate with him since they start from different premises. His perception is selective in a different way from theirs. The ideology, for example, may lead him to view all governmental authorities as villains, while the ordinary citizen views them as legitimate leaders, some good, some bad. The end product of this surrender of autonomy may be an altered worldview. Some things taken for granted before becoming part of the movement will never seem the same again, even after leaving the discipline of the movement.

      The end products of social movements as collectivities attempting to change the social order cannot be analyzed simply in terms of success or failure. Failure may come as a result of ruthless suppression of the movement or through widespread apathy. A movement may wither away because too few take it seriously and it does not develop enough power to force its program on society. Sometimes the remnants may linger for a long time as a cult, oriented inward toward the gratifications that the members obtain from participation but making no serious effort to change the social order.

      Success is most apparent when a movement manages to have its power legitimized as authority. In a successful revolution the social movement becomes the new source of authority and respectability, and opposition to its values is defined as counterrevolutionary. In other instances, the movement achieves power through secession. Failing to compel acceptance of its values in the larger group or society, the members withdraw into a new social system in which they can attempt to implement the values separately from a hostile or indifferent society.

      A less obvious form of success is the institutionalization of the values or some part of them. Accepting the legitimacy of the movement's values, the traditional associations in the society incorporate them into their own values and implement them without a transfer of authority to the movement. Thus the U.S. Socialist Party has seen many of its proposals adopted by the two major political parties and the government without winning a major election or overthrowing the government. Sometimes the social movement itself is institutionalized by being accorded authority as the legitimate custodian of the new values. The movement is then transformed into a bureaucratic association, as happened with the American labour movement of the early 20th century and the Congress Party of India after British rule ended.

Lewis M. Killian Ralph H. Turner Neil J. Smelser Ed.

Additional Reading

Rudolf Heberle, Social Movements: An Introduction to Political Sociology (1951), develops general theories but focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties. Clarence W. King, Social Movements in the United States (1956), develops general principles from the analysis of selected social movements. Hans Toch, The Social Psychology of Social Movements (1965); and Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W. Sherif, Social Psychology (1969), represent theoretical approaches, placing greater emphasis on individual motivational and perceptual processes. Lyford P. Edwards, The Natural History of Revolution (1927, reprinted 1970); Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution, rev. ed. (1965); and George S. Pettee, The Process of Revolution (1938, reissued 1971), represent attempts to develop general theories of revolution as a type of social movement through the analyses of American and European revolutions. A similar effort based on studies of revolutions in Latin America and the Middle East is found in Carl Leiden and Karl M. Schmitt, The Politics of Violence (1968, reprinted 1980). There are numerous studies of particular social movements. Representative of those that include theoretical propositions, as well as historical descriptions, are E.J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 3rd ed. (1971); Cora Du Bois, The 1870 Ghost Dance (1939, reprinted 1976); Kenelm Burridge, Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium (1960, reissued as Mambu: A Study of Melanesian Cargo Movements and Their Ideological Background, 1970), studies of nativistic movements; and Frederick Krantz (ed.), History from Below: Studies in Popular Protest and Popular Ideology in Honour of George Rudé (1985). Analyses of Communism and Nazism are found in Philip Selznick, The Organizational Weapon: A Study of Bolshevik Strategy and Tactics (1952, reissued 1979); and Theodore Abel, Why Hitler Came into Power (1938, reprinted 1986). Essays on the Algerian revolution are found in Frantz Fanon, Studies in a Dying Colonialism (1965; originally published in French, 1959). Analyses of social movements in the United States are found in Thomas H. Greer, American Social Reform Movements: Their Pattern Since 1865 (1949, reprinted 1980); Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream, 2nd ed. (1975); Jerome H. Skolnick, The Politics of Protest (1969); and Alec Barbrook and Christine Bolt, Power and Protest in American Life (1980). A source on the new social movements is Jürgen Habermas, Die Neue Unübersichtlichkeit: Kleine politische Schriften V (1985).Lewis M. Killian Neil J. Smelser

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