culture area

culture area
a region having a distinct pattern of culture.

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▪ anthropological concept
also called  cultural area,  culture province , or  ethno-geographic area 
  in anthropology, geography, and other social sciences, a contiguous geographic area within which most societies share many traits in common. Delineated at the turn of the 20th century, it remains one of the most widely used frameworks for the description and analysis of cultures. Well-known examples of culture areas and their traditional residents are found on every continent except Antarctica and include Scandinavia, homeland of the Vikings (Viking); the North American Plains, home of the Plains Indians (Plains Indian); and Africa's Al-Sudd (Sudd, Al-), the seasonal wetland that is home to the Nuer, Dinka, and other cattle pastoralists. Australia, home of the Australian Aborigines (Australian Aborigine), is often treated as a single culture area despite its considerable cultural and geographic diversity.

Origins in taxonomy and typology
 The ancestry of the culture area approach can be traced to the classification of living things proposed by Swedish botanist Carolus Linnaeus (Linnaeus, Carolus) in Systema Naturae (1735) and further developed by French biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck (Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste) and others. These taxonomists used the underlying morphology, or physical structures of organisms (such as flowers, shells, and bones), to illuminate the relatedness of groups of living things. To denote information about the relations their data suggested, they created a biological nomenclature that ultimately consisted of the categories kingdom, phylum, class, order, family, genus, and species.

       taxonomy's success in organizing living things encouraged scholars in other fields to conceptualize their work through the tropes of biology. Just as a zoologist might study a relatively small group of birds (such as the many varieties of canaries (canary)) before moving to the family of which the group is a member (finches (finch) more generally), so a historian of the arts might evaluate a single artist's paintings before moving to those of a period or region, and an anthropologist might focus on a group's subsistence system before undertaking the analysis of its culture as a whole.

 The Danish archaeologist Christian Jürgensen Thomsen (Thomsen, Christian Jürgensen), curator of the National Museum of Denmark (1816–65), was among the first to use the taxonomic approach in the social sciences. In a painstaking study of the bracteate, a type of ancient pendant found in northern Europe, he charted a variety of morphological categories, such as insignia and size. By combining the typologies thus created, he showed that these Nordic ornaments had developed from earlier Roman coins. Thomsen later used similar techniques with a much larger body of data and eventually developed the basic chronology for Old World antiquities: the Stone Age, Bronze Age, and Iron Age.

      Ideas and expressive culture also proved susceptible to taxonomic analysis. The American ethnologist Lewis Henry Morgan (Morgan, Lewis Henry) gathered data from a large number of Native American tribes and created a typology based on their kinship terminology, which he presented in Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1871). Influenced by the evolutionary theses of Charles Darwin (Darwin, Charles) and Herbert Spencer (Spencer, Herbert) and by Thomsen's three-age system, Morgan later proposed a universal sequence of cultural evolution in his book Ancient Society; or, Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery Through Barbarism to Civilization (1877). In this work he suggested that all cultures went through a clearly defined series of evolutionary stages: first savagery, which was characterized by a hunting and gathering economy; next barbarism, the stage at which agriculture appears; and finally civilization, represented by hierarchical societies such as those of ancient Greece, ancient Rome, and Victorian England.

      As one might suspect from Morgan's choice of terms, 19th-century social sciences were intrinsically linked to the colonial endeavours of the period. This was the case whether the colonial effort took place domestically, as in the United States and Canada, or abroad, as it did for the countries of Europe. Although the labeling of a group as “savage” or “barbarous” was to some extent intended to convey specific technical information, the use of such easily misinterpreted labels also made the era's overtly racist colonial policies more palatable to the general public: it was considerably less morally taxing to “civilize the savages” than to “forcibly assimilate an indigenous people.”

      One of the principal preoccupations of social scientists at this time was the recording of “vanishing” indigenous cultures. This was often undertaken as part of a frank pursuit of the knowledge needed to achieve social and political control over a region, whether in domestic or in overseas contexts. Thus, many early ethnographies (ethnography) and cultural geographies were written by civil servants, military personnel, or missionaries.

Innovation and diffusion, particularism and relativism
      By the close of the 19th century, enough data had been amassed that it was clear that certain objects and ideas associated with “civilization”—the wheel, metalworking, patrilineality, monogamy, monotheism, and the like—were unevenly distributed over space and time. This appeared to support the evolutionary frameworks promulgated by Morgan and others, but a clear explanation of the cause of cultural differences was yet to be found. Soon there was consensus that cultural evolution occurred through one of two means: new technology and cultural practices were either locally invented in one place after another (innovation), or they were created in a few localities from whence they spread over a wide area (diffusion).

      Because they could observe diffusion firsthand—a wide array of products (guns, livestock), ideas (Christianity), and peoples (European) had certainly spread rapidly throughout the colonies—the vast majority of academics supported the diffusionist hypothesis. They often conflated cultural complexity and biological evolution in ways that upheld the insidious racism of the era. For instance, many diffusionists posited that the “Negroid” and “Mongoloid” “races,” and possibly the lower forms of “Caucasoid” peoples, were essentially incapable of invention. Having made that claim, they suggested that the “cultural lag” evident among these peoples resulted from a combination of this biological shortcoming and these groups' distance from well-known centres of innovation such as the Fertile Crescent and, later, northern Europe. Diffusionists also felt that such factors provided adequate explanation for the poverty and disenfranchisement experienced by the “lower races.” The most doctrinaire of the diffusionists were advocates of the Kulturkreis (German: “culture circle”) concept, which posited a very few centres of innovation.

      Those who were skeptical of diffusionist claims offered an alternative theory that became known as independent innovation: humans were by their very nature inventive, and, given time, each culture group would invent whatever it needed. The logic of independent innovation implied that all the “lower” peoples were as intrinsically able as the “higher races.” This perspective suggested that the circumstances of the “lower” groups arose from economic or political causes rather than genetic ineptitude (see race). Such claims presented an inherent challenge to racist views and to the morality of colonial conquest.

      Although the political implications of the innovation-diffusion debate were profound, they were generally of less interest to scholars than was its resolution—not least because it created the interesting methodological problem of how one might scientifically determine the primacy of either process. Otis T. Mason, curator of ethnology at the Smithsonian Institution (1884–1908), suggested one such method in an 1887 article published in Science: a systematic comparison of individual traits accomplished without reference to the materials' cultural and environmental contexts. His suggestion did not imply an ignorance of the role that such contexts played in shaping each other; Friedrich Ratzel (Ratzel, Friedrich), Paul Vidal de la Bache (Vidal de La Blache, Paul), and other scholars had published widely on human geography, and Mason himself had used the term culture area to gloss such confluences a few years earlier. However, he held that the study of traits within such broad contexts would do little to advance an understanding of the laws that governed cultural evolution. A taxonomic approach was more appropriate to that pursuit: if a biologist could study variations in the wing form of birds, ultimately creating a sequence from the wing's most basal to its most advanced form, an ethnologist could apply the same methods to see if a cultural trait such as basketry had been independently developed (as demonstrated by many basal forms) or spread through diffusion (with a single or very few basal forms). A series of such studies, analyzing a multitude of traits, would eventually result in a preponderance of evidence supporting either innovation or diffusion, thus resolving the question of causation in cultural evolution.

 Shortly thereafter, Science published a letter challenging Mason; its author was Franz Boas (Boas, Franz), a German-born ethnologist (at the time, Boas was employed by the journal as an editor, but his letter represented only his own point of view, not that of Science). Over a period of weeks, Boas, Mason, and eventually John Wesley Powell (Powell, John Wesley) (the director of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, the branch of the Smithsonian that employed Mason) exchanged a combative series of notes in the journal. Boas insisted that the description of vanishing cultures, rather than the elucidation of cultural evolution, was the most appropriate role for the social scientist; that cultures should be treated as holistic, indivisible products of historically particular events; and that, in ranking cultures as higher or lower according to their traits, the comparative method Mason espoused was intrinsically biased and, therefore, ascientific. Boas also held that museum exhibits—which at the time were organized by object type, having, for example, halls of armour, dress, and so on—would be better organized by tribe.

      Boas's philosophy became known as particularism, for it defined each culture as the product of unique, historically particular events. The evolutionists felt that particularistic culture histories were immaterial in their quest for lawlike statements about the human condition and thus dismissed many of Boas's statements as mere truisms. They felt that it was obvious that history was different from place to place, for instance, but that, because local events had little or no effect on broad evolutionary trends, they were not of scientific concern.

      Although the evolutionists dismissed some parts of Boas's challenge rather handily, they strongly objected to his claim that their approach was not scientifically valid. Thus, Boas's most important challenge was not particularism per se but his proposition that there were no truly objective criteria with which to rank cultures; instead, he held that all cultures should be viewed as equally able to fulfill the needs of their members. This perspective became known as cultural relativism.

Merging relativism and cross-cultural comparison
 In 1896 Boas became curator of ethnology at the American Museum of Natural History, and in 1899 he took a concurrent faculty position at Columbia University. Unhappy with changes in the museum's administration, he resigned from his position there in 1905. The curatorship was subsequently offered to and accepted by Boas's assistant, Clark Wissler (Wissler, Clark)—an act Boas saw as evidence of disloyalty. Wissler remained at the museum until his retirement in 1942; for much of this period, he held a concurrent position in anthropology at Yale University (1924–40).

      Although he had clearly absorbed Boas's ideas about the organization of museum exhibitions and perpetuated the tribally based installations that his mentor had advocated, Wissler felt that the particularist emphasis on cultural history was ascientific. Like Mason and Powell, he sought to expose the laws of culture and felt that this could not be accomplished except through comparative analyses. Rather than submit to or perpetuate a scholarly agenda of which he disapproved, Wissler sought a method that would be widely acceptable to particularists while also reinserting cross-cultural analysis and its production of lawlike statements into anthropology.

      Wissler merged the culture traits approach developed by the evolutionists with Boas's cultural relativism and used the resultant hybrid perspective to investigate the indigenous cultures of the Americas. He published the results in The American Indian (1917), an ethnology in which he systematically described the material and social traits of the New World's native cultures. He used 13 categories to organize his analysis of living cultures (and related, but somewhat different, categories for ancient cultures): food, domesticated animals and transportation, textiles, ceramics, decorative arts, tools, fine arts, social organization, social regulation (such as marriage customs), ritual, mythology, language, and physiology. By working within these constituent components, Wissler could ensure he was adhering to the Linnaean model of scientific analysis—that is, that he was comparing “morphologically” (in this case, functionally) similar traits among cultures. Wissler described and mapped the variation he found in each category. The food areas map, for instance, indicated the boundaries within which a particular staple food dominated; he mapped regions, from the Arctic to Tierra del Fuego, in which caribou, salmon, bison, corn (maize), cassava (manioc), and guanaco each prevailed in turn.

      Although it had been generally recognized that some traits generally co-occurred (for instance, Native American bison hunters lived in the grasslands and commonly rode horses, wore leather clothes, eschewed ceramics, and so forth), Wissler was the first to recognize that patterns of coexisting traits were crucial to an understanding of innovation and diffusion. Whereas Ratzel had described cultural variation over space and Mason and others had focused on the minutiae and comparison of individual traits, Wissler demonstrated the close relationship that particular cultural complexes shared with the boundaries of broad environmental zones such as temperate forests, grasslands, and deserts. He combined the cultural and geographic patterns, defining 15 culture areas in North, Central, and South America.

      More important, Wissler then posited mechanisms for the diffusion and conservation of culture traits. He proposed that novel ideas and tools that were developed within one society would readily spread to groups of the same “culture pattern” (e.g., among bison hunters) but that those invented outside the culture pattern were less likely to be adopted—that is, that culture itself could prevent or slow diffusion. For instance, bison hunters ate plant foods but were not likely to give up hunting in favour of the diet of wild seeds common among their neighbours in the arid Great Basin. He also noted that obstacles to diffusion could be environmental rather than cultural. For instance, although the territories of North America's bison hunters were contiguous with those of its salmon fishers and these groups occasionally engaged in trade, the Rocky Mountains prevented the staple animals upon which each group relied from reaching the other.

      Having established mechanisms that could help or hinder diffusion, Wissler further suggested that innovations were, in Boasian terms, historically particular. He argued that culture elements have a general tendency to diffuse equally in all directions from their locus of invention. It can therefore be inferred that, taking into account such cultural and environmental obstacles as could be recognized, the element or elements having the widest distribution would be the oldest—that is, they would have been in the process of diffusion the longest. Wissler felt that this distribution was a basis for inferring age and called this aspect of his approach the age-area hypothesis. Heavily criticized as overly simplistic, the age-area hypothesis soon lost scholarly traction. The culture area approach as a whole, however, endured.

The endurance of the culture area approach
      Wissler's culture area research provided anthropology with not only a meticulously executed case study but also the necessary theoretical foundations for nonevolutionary cross-cultural investigations. Although Wissler and Boas never reconciled—probably due to Wissler's growing interest in eugenics, which Boas abhorred—Boas actively promoted the culture area approach for the remainder of his career. A.L. Kroeber (Kroeber, A.L.), the senior anthropologist at the University of California at Berkeley (1901–46) and the most prominent Boasian other than Boas himself, further developed Wissler's thesis and published the immensely popular Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, which remained in print almost continuously from 1939 until 1976. Kroeber's close colleague at Berkeley, geographer Carl Sauer (Sauer, Carl O), and the many students each fostered also promulgated the culture area approach to a wide audience.

      The concept of the culture area thus became one of the most common lenses through which social scientists, and especially Americanists, viewed their work. It continued to be used as a teaching device and as a typological structure for ordering data and museum displays in the 21st century, and it has become so ingrained in popular culture that it is used to organize displays of retail goods ranging from decorative arts to music to imported foods. Its fundamental assumptions remain valid, and most social scientists still specialize in just one or two culture areas.

      However, most social scientists also recognize that the culture areas originally framed by Wissler and others no longer exist per se. In the early 20th century it was almost universally assumed that traditional cultures would be completely assimilated into colonial cultures within a few decades, thus undermining the strict application of comparative anthropology. Indigenous peoples have proven this notion wrong, but the widespread conviction that colonial policies and the large-scale changes they initiated—globalization, urbanization, ecological change, religio-ethnic conflict, and others—would disrupt long-standing ties between specific peoples and places has indeed been proven correct.

Elizabeth Prine Pauls

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Universalium. 2010.

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