Micronesian culture

Micronesian culture

▪ cultural region, Pacific Ocean
 the beliefs and practices of the indigenous peoples of the ethnogeographic group of Pacific Islands known as Micronesia. The region of Micronesia lies between the Philippines and Hawaii and encompasses more than 2,000 islands, most of which are small and many of which are found in clusters. The region includes, from west to east, Palau (also known as Belau), Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands (which include Saipan), the Federated States of Micronesia (Micronesia) (which include Yap (Yap Islands), Chuuk (Chuuk Islands), Pohnpei, and Kosrae), the Marshall Islands (which include Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, Kwajalein (Kwajalein Atoll), and Majuro), Nauru, and Kiribati (formerly the Gilbert Islands, and which includes Banaba, formerly Ocean Island). Located for the most part north of the Equator, Micronesia (from Greek mikros ‘small' and nēsoi ‘islands') includes the westernmost of the Pacific Islands.

 Most of the islands that make up Micronesia are low coral atolls (atoll), although the western edge of the region includes high islands formed by volcanic activity or geological uplifting. The region's inherent scarcity of land, potential for drought, and exposure to cyclones are constant realities confronting its inhabitants. Traditionally, the residents of atolls were especially mobile; they maintained extensive interisland exchange networks, in part because of the precarious nature of living on low islets.

      Micronesia has a complicated colonial (colonialism, Western) history. Guam, the southernmost of the Mariana Islands, became the first inhabited Pacific island to be visited by a European when the Portuguese navigator and explorer Ferdinand Magellan (Magellan, Ferdinand) landed there in 1521. The Marianas became the first European colony in Micronesia in 1668, when Spain took control of the island chain. In 1670 the indigenous Chamorro people rebelled, and a quarter century of sporadic warfare followed. That conflict, along with diseases introduced by Europeans, reduced the local population from about 100,000 to 4,000. Most of the survivors were relocated to colonial settlements, and many Chamorro women married Spanish or Filipino troops. In the process, much of Chamorro culture was destroyed, although the language continued to be widely spoken in the early 21st century. Other nations that staked colonial claims in various parts of Micronesia included Germany, Britain, the United States, Japan, and Australia.

      During World War II, many Micronesian islands were heavily contested; major military engagements took place between Japanese and American forces in Palau, Guam, the northern Marianas, Chuuk (Chuuk Islands) (then known as Truk), the Marshalls, and parts of the Gilberts. The war inflicted great suffering and left the regional economy in shambles. Infrastructure and property had been destroyed, food shortages were widespread, and many people had been displaced. As recently as the early 21st century, reminders of the war remained omnipresent. Chuuk's lagoon, for instance, holds an entire Japanese fleet that sank in 1944. Complete with human skeletons, dishes, and even fighter planes and tanks that had been tied on deck, the fleet has been declared an underwater museum and has become a popular tourist destination.

 The decolonization of the region did not begin until the late 1960s. Nauru was the first Micronesian country to become a sovereign nation, gaining independence in 1968. Rich phosphate deposits there had begun to be mined in the early 1900s, stimulating the local economy but also making residents dependent on imports, such as food, manufactured goods, fuel, machinery, and equipment. By the early 21st century the phosphate supply was nearing exhaustion, making the economic future of the island nation uncertain.

Robert C. Kiste Miriam Kahn

Contemporary Micronesia
 Each of the contemporary Micronesian entities has its own capital and urban area. Approximately one-half of all islanders are urban dwellers, but their economies are heavily dependent on tourism and other relatively unpredictable industries. Except on the outer islands, little is left of Micronesians' traditional lifestyle.

 In the eyes of the Western world, one of Micronesia's greatest resources has been its strategic location between North America and Asia, a circumstance that has directly influenced much of its contemporary history. Micronesia's location made it a prized site for military bases and nuclear tests, particularly for the United States.

      In 1946—the same year that the famous French bathing suit was introduced to the world—the United States exploded atomic bombs (atomic bomb) over the Bikini and Enewetak atolls in the Marshall Islands. The first U.S. tests, code-named Able and Baker, occurred as part of a program known as Operation Crossroads. The target of the operation comprised some 90 ships that were anchored for this purpose in Bikini lagoon. Testing after Able, an aerial explosion, showed that within 24 hours radiation levels declined to concentrations then considered safe. In contrast, Baker, an underwater explosion, created a column of water that was more than 1 kilometer (0.6 mile) high and that subsequently fell upon the entire area as extremely radioactive spray. Baker's effects were so intense that the ships it had targeted could be safely entered for only minutes at a time during the weeks following detonation. Within a month of the blast, even the support vessels that were anchored at what had been considered safe distances from the target area had become contaminated, principally through contact with radioactive seawater.

      Testing continued on Bikini and Enewetak until 1958; during this period, the bombs became larger and the radioactive fallout became even more damaging. Bravo, a test in 1954, created the worst contamination in the history of the American testing program. Fallout spread over neighbouring islands whose inhabitants the United States had, intentionally, not relocated—and who were thus exposed to a steady snowfall of radioactive particles for several hours. Their health problems were severe, including not only immediate radiation sickness and burns but also long-term radiation injuries (radiation injury) that appeared years later in the form of miscarriages, stillbirths, the stunted growth of children, and an unusually high number of thyroid illnesses (see also radiation: Biologic effects of ionizing radiation (radiation)). Studies have since identified at least 25 medical conditions in the region that are the result of radiation exposure.

      The United States stopped all testing in the region in accord with the 1963 Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty. Since then, Marshall Islanders have demanded cleanup of their islands and compensation for the damage that was sustained by their people and environments. As a result of the testing, the U.S. territory of Palau drew up the first nuclear-free constitution, and in 1979, by a 92 percent majority vote, became the first constituted nuclear-free zone in the world. However, an extended period of economic hardship caused Palauans to reconsider this position. In 1987, 71 percent of Palauans voted to lift the constitutional prohibition against nuclear weapons and technology in exchange for what was seen as economic security: $1 billion in U.S. economic aid, to be disbursed over a 50-year period, for allowing American ships carrying nuclear weapons to enter Palauan territory.

      In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, rising sea levels had begun to threaten the low-lying atolls of Micronesia. Caused by the melting of polar ice, higher sea levels are one of many effects of global warming. As sea levels rise, they cause coastal erosion and loss of land. Further, by leaching into the porous coral foundations of atolls, seawater displaces the fresh groundwater table, poisoning crops and reducing the already limited amount of fresh water available. Rising ocean temperatures, another effect of global warming, also kill the coral reefs that protect many atolls from storm damage. Some experts fear that these environmental changes may destroy many atolls in the 21st century.

      Social changes were also afoot in Micronesia during the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In the 1980s the region became the object of renewed strategic interest. Although the United States had maintained a naval air station and base in Guam from World War II onward, increasing trade with Asia invigorated U.S. activities in other sectors of the economy. Micronesians were once distributed fairly evenly, but settlement patterns changed at the turn of the century as large numbers of people migrated from rural areas to towns. The same processes instigated a shift from a self-sufficient subsistence economy to one based on wages, which in turn caused high rates of unemployment. The resulting urban crowding has been held in check mostly by out-migration, especially to Guam, Saipan, Hawaii, and the west coast of the United States, where employment opportunities are better.

Traditional Micronesia

Languages and initial settlement
      Although it is clear that people first settled Micronesia about 3,500 to 2,000 years ago, archaeological investigations there have been limited by the difficulty of excavating on small densely populated islands whose landscape has often been disturbed by storms. As a result, language rather than archaeology has provided the most insight into the history of early settlement. For example, the languages of eastern and central Micronesia are closely related to Austronesian languages that exist to the southeast in Melanesia (Melanesian culture). The languages spoken in the west, specifically those of Palau, the Marianas, and Yap, are closely related neither to those in the east nor to one another. These islands on the western edge of Micronesia seem to have been settled from the Philippines and Indonesia.

      The large number of mutually unintelligible Micronesian languages is a sign of the region's great cultural diversity. The following islands have mutually unintelligible languages: Nauru, the Gilberts, the Marshalls, Kosrae, Pingelap, Mokil, Pohnpei, Ngatik, the Mortlocks, Chuuk, the Puluwat area, the Woleai area, Yap, Palau, and the Marianas. The languages of the islands from the Marshalls and the Gilberts through the Woleai area in the above list appear to be more closely related to each other than to the remaining languages and have been referred to as “nuclear Micronesian.” The languages of Palau, Yap, and the Marianas are relatively distinct from each other and from other Micronesian languages, although they are clearly Austronesian (Austronesian languages) in their general affiliation. The Chamorro language, spoken in the Marianas, has undergone much influence from Spanish (Spanish language) and probably also from the Philippine Tagalog language after more than four centuries of Western contact.

High-island and low-island cultures
      Seven major high-island cultures can be distinguished in Micronesia: those of the Palauans; the Chamorros (Chamorro), most of whom live on the 4 southern islands of the Marianas; the Yapese; the Chuukese, inhabiting about 12 high islands of varying size in the large Chuuk Lagoon; the Pohnpeians; the Kosraeans; and some inhabitants of the isolated island of Nauru, which is geologically a raised atoll (without exposed volcanic rock).

      The inhabitants of most of the low islands or atolls in Micronesia are culturally distinct from the high islanders, though the two groups are in contact with one another. In the east are found two culturally distinctive groups of atolls, the Marshalls and the Gilberts, ranging from the northwest to the southeast over about 1,400 miles (about 2,255 km). The culture of Banaba, a raised atoll, is quite similar to that of the Gilberts (Gilbert Islands). Three atolls within sailing distance of Pohnpei—Mokil, Pingelap, and Ngatik—show closer cultural relationships to the people of Pohnpei than to any other large population but are clearly distinct from them. The Hall Islands, atolls to the north of Chuuk (Chuuk Islands), and the Mortlock (Nomoi) Islands, atolls to the south, are culturally closest to Chuuk. The remaining low islands to the west of Chuuk also show linguistic and cultural relationships to Chuuk, with the differences becoming more and more marked as distance increases. The low islands between Namonuito and Yap (Yap Islands) were once part of a ceremonial exchange system. Linguistically and culturally, however, these low-island people were closer to the Chuukese than to the Yapese.

The Micronesian way of life
      Traditional Micronesian life was characterized by a belief in the stability of society and culture. People suffered occasional natural disasters, such as cyclones or droughts, but their goal after encountering one of these was to reconstitute the previous state of affairs. Wars occurred in most areas from time to time, mainly at the instigation of competing chiefs. At stake was the control of land—a limited resource—and followers, but there were usually few casualties. Living in small communities on small territories, Micronesians learned to adjust to their neighbours, to remain on good terms with most of them most of the time, and to develop techniques of reconciliation when fights did break out.

      Micronesians traditionally depended on the cultivation of plant crops and on fishing in shallow reef waters. Because arable land was in short supply for the relatively dense population, Micronesians had a strong practical basis for their attachment to locality and lands. Land rights were usually held through lineages (lineage) or extended family groups, often backed up by traditions of ancestral origins on the land.

 The strong local loyalties of the Micronesians may also be partly explained by the difficulty of traveling to any place very far from home, especially for the many high islanders who lacked oceangoing canoes. Of the high-island peoples, only the Yapese practiced much navigation on the open seas at the time of European arrival. They sailed to Palau and to some of the atolls in the central Carolines. The remaining high-island peoples mostly sailed closer to their home islands, although they were visited from time to time by low islanders. The low islanders visited the high islands, with their more fertile soil and greater elevation, to obtain food and other items not found on atolls and to seek refuge after a cyclone or drought. Low islanders also visited each other in search of spouses and for help after cyclones. Some of the low islanders, especially in the storm-swept central Carolines area between Chuuk and Yap and in the Marshalls, were in fact some of the most skilled navigators of oceangoing canoes. These islanders used complex navigation aids known as “stick charts”—mnemonic devices made of sticks, fibre, and shells—to help them read the wave and swell patterns of the ocean.

      Micronesian navigators have played an important role in the revival of Polynesian navigation. Mau Piailug (born 1932), who grew up on Satawal in the Federated States of Micronesia, where traditional navigation is still practiced, navigated the reconstructed Polynesian voyaging canoe Hokule'a on her maiden voyage from Hawaii to Tahiti in 1976. He later trained the Hawaiian navigator Nainoa Thompson, who subsequently trained many others. Voyaging continued into the 21st century, and in 2007 the Hokule'a sailed to Satawal to accompany the canoe Alingano Maisu, which was given as a gift to Mau Piailug to thank him for his contributions to the reawakening of Pacific voyaging traditions.

      Early accounts suggest that the populations of Micronesia were in good balance with their natural resources at the time of European contact. Because the climate varied little during the year, moderate amounts of labour were sufficient for comfortable survival, and much time was available for activities such as dancing, feasting, and visiting friends and relatives. The period of youth was often prolonged, as adults could afford to indulge their children. This positive attitude toward the enjoyment of leisure was especially characteristic of the high islanders, with their more fertile soil and more secure life.

Settlement patterns and housing
      There were ancient “cities” in Micronesia, two of which survive as archaeological remains. One is the archaeological site of Nanmadol, on Pohnpei. It comprises some 100 artificial islands, separated by shallow canals and covering one-third of a square mile (including water). The islands were used for royal, priestly, and noble residences and for rituals; scholars believe that the total population may have been several hundred to 1,000 people. The construction of Nanmadol may have begun as early as the 7th century AD, and it continued until the 16th century. A similar site on the islet of Lelu in Kosrae was constructed between AD 1200 and 1400. During its heyday, from about 1400 to 1800, the king and high chiefs resided at the site. This royal city and feudal capital, which included more than 100 walled compounds, covered the entire lowland area of Lelu Island, and the remnants of the site continue to cover about one-third of the island. Lelu's warriors were powerful enough to invade and conquer Nanmadol in the 17th century.

 These impressive sites, however, do not reflect the experience of the average Micronesian. Most lived in dispersed extended-family homesteads. On atolls, the inhabitants generally preferred the lagoon side of the larger islands for ease in launching canoes and for protection from cyclones. On the high islands, people also wanted access to lagoons, although easily defensible sites were sometimes preferred, such as the tops of steep cleared slopes.

 A typical Micronesian community had one or more meetinghouses. These served as social gathering places and as places to plan community affairs. The number and elaborateness of the meetinghouses were greatest in Palau and Yap. In Palau, Yap, and the western atolls, meetinghouses were used mostly by men, while farther east, women and children also entered them freely much of the time. Canoe houses were another important form of building throughout Micronesia. Those big enough to store the larger canoes were on the scale of meetinghouses and often were used as such in some areas. Small buildings for the isolation of menstruating women were common in the western Carolines, and they continued to be used in Yap until well into the 20th century.

      Houses in most areas were built on slightly raised platforms; these were made of coral rock and gravel on the low islands and volcanic rock and dirt on the high islands. They generally had thatched roofs, low eaves, and poor ventilation. The smoke from a small hearth may have been used to control mosquitoes, although plaited mosquito-resistant sleeping bags were also used at times.

      Traditional forms of house construction provided good protection against heavy rainstorms. Some of the houses in the Marianas appear to have been constructed on stone pillars. The so-called latte stones of this area—paired rows of large stone pillars with capstones—are thought to have been the foundations of raised houses. Latte stones can be quite tall: the quarries in which they were fashioned indicate that some were 20 feet (6 metres) tall or more, although more-typical examples are less than 15 feet (4.5 metres) in height. Because latte sites are relatively few when compared with the estimated population at the time of their construction, experts have conjectured that the stone foundations may have been used exclusively by chiefs or other wealthy people. Other houses may have been built on wooden piles that have since disappeared.

kinship and marriage
      Before European contact, the majority of Micronesians lived in some form of extended family group. In most areas the organization of these groups probably had considerable flexibility. Some newlywed couples lived with the husband's family and others with the wife's relatives, as the major determinants in the choice of residence were the relative availability of agricultural land and the need for additional labourers on one or the other side of the family. Descent was traced through matrilineage in most of Micronesia. While residence with the wife's family was thus widely held as the ideal, exceptions were frequently allowed in practice, and children often had rights to use land on their paternal grandmother's side. In Yap, on the other hand, patrilocal residence and patrilineal inheritance of land were considered ideal.

      Matrilineages were traditionally exogamous (exogamy)—members did not marry within the same lineage. While matrilineage membership was considered basically unalterable in some communities, actual practices probably allowed some flexibility. If a lineage grew too large, it tended to split into two parts, one of which would adopt a new name; the two parts would from that time forward be considered different lineages for the purposes of exogamy. If outsiders moved into a community, they would often be taken into an existing lineage as honorary or fictive members and would be expected to observe the lineage's rules of exogamy.

       marriage in Micronesia varied in formality. In Palau and Yap, marriages were marked by formal payments from the groom's family to the bride's. In the area from the central Carolinian atolls to the Marshalls, marital relationships were usually rather loose and informal, although people of high rank may have had public ceremonies with some exchange of wealth. In this area considerable premarital and extramarital sex (sexual behaviour, human) was traditionally expected. Marriage for ordinary people consisted simply of openly living together and being spoken of by the community as spouses. Apparently, there was more formality to marriage and more control of premarital sex in the Gilberts. polygyny, a form of marriage in which wives share a husband, was generally permitted to some extent in Micronesian societies, although it was not very common. It was most likely to involve high-ranking men and was sometimes restricted to chiefs.

      Birth order has traditionally been widely important in Micronesian societies. The eldest child typically represents the family or lineage in public, is expected to inherit any lineal political offices, and directs the use of lineage or family lands. Younger siblings (sibling) generally exhibit formal respect to older siblings. Brother-sister avoidance relationships (avoidance relationship) are well developed in parts of Micronesia, perhaps most strongly in the central Carolines from Chuuk through the atolls to the west. In this area sisters and brothers were traditionally expected to avoid speaking to one another, and a sister was expected to crouch in her brother's presence and to show respect in other ways. In Pohnpei a similar relationship existed between a sister whose next older sibling was a brother, but it did not extend with the same force to relationships between other siblings.

      As in other parts of Oceania, people often adopted (adoption) the children of their relatives. The practice was useful in many ways: it provided a home for children who were orphaned or born out of wedlock; and it was a way of relieving young adults of the chores of child care while providing older people with children to do minor work for them, a way of ensuring more-equitable distribution of land rights, and a way of providing heirs who could be taught specialized knowledge when a natural heir was unavailable or unsatisfactory.

Social hierarchy and political organization
      A certain amount of hereditary social stratification was found in Micronesia, but its degree varied considerably from some of the smaller Carolinian atolls, which had nominal hereditary chiefs (chief) with little special power or wealth, to the high island of Yap (Yap Islands), which had several ranked endogamous castes. Other cultures that showed relatively marked social stratification were Palau, Pohnpei, Kosrae, the Marshalls (Marshall Islands), and the Gilberts (Gilbert Islands). The Marianas may have also had distinct social classes before the Spanish conquest. In all of these areas there appear to have been some chiefs who were supported principally by tribute from their subjects, who were the object of considerable deference, who could punish offenses (especially against themselves and their own relatives) by fines, destruction of property, or death, and whose principal wives were generally members of other high-ranking families. Often they had subordinate chiefs and officials.

      Throughout most of Micronesia the maximum independent autonomous political unit was the high island or the atoll, often subdivided into more than one polity. At the time of European contact, Satawan Atoll in the Mortlocks had four separate communities, each with its own leader, which sometimes fought one another. Palau had two confederations of villages or districts, each independent of the other, and the villages themselves had considerable autonomy. Pohnpei had five petty states, although traditions of a unified rule for the whole island are apparent from an earlier period. Chuuk (Chuuk Islands) was extremely fragmented politically, with several independent communities on each of the six larger high islands. The Marshalls and the Gilberts had larger polities and integrated groups of separate atolls under a high chief; these expansionist states achieved their fullest development after the introduction of firearms by Europeans.

      The low islands between Chuuk and Yap have been described as belonging to the so-called Yapese empire. The purported empire consisted mainly of a chain of trading and ceremonial relationships with one of the states of Yap. Notably, the Yapese exerted no military force over the low islanders—but did claim the ability to punish them by sending cyclones, disease, and famine if they should fail to fulfill their obligations.

      In most of the area from the Palaus in the west to the Marshalls in the east, the community was considered to be owned in some sense by a clan, the head of which was also the leader of the community. Other clans had land rights by their relation to former chiefs or to the men of the ranking clan, usually because their women had married men of the chiefly clan or because their men had rendered service to the chiefly clan in the past. The chiefly clans in some cases claimed their position by virtue of ancient military conquest and in others by virtue of being the first to occupy the land. The aboriginal pattern of political and community organization in the Marianas has been obscured by the early Spanish conquest, which exterminated most of the population and concentrated the remainder under close Spanish military and religious control.

socialization and education
      Micronesians were indulgent with infants. Children were inducted into adult life gradually, through observation and participation. There was little in the way of formal schooling or initiation ceremonies in most Micronesian societies.

      Several forms of bodily ornamentation were practiced, mostly performed around puberty or in early adulthood. The most widespread of these was tattooing (tattoo), practiced by both sexes. This and other forms of bodily adornment were generally done on individual initiative to demonstrate bravery and increase attractiveness.

      Training in cultural specialties—including medicine, magic, mythology, house building, canoe building, and navigation—was often delayed until young adulthood or middle age. Usually an older relative taught an individual these skills, although sometimes outsiders would be instructed for a payment of food and goods. The most-formal training in esoteric knowledge appears to have been given by the specialists known in Chuuk as itang. These were men and women who had trained under an older expert adept in traditional history, oratory, war strategy and tactics, and magic. Those who had earned the title or degree of itang could thenceforth serve as an orator, ambassador, counselor, or executive officer for a chief.

Production and technology
      The small groups of people who first settled the islands of Micronesia probably had few technical specialists among them. They most likely had a subsistence technology in which a few part-time specialists produced luxury items such as personal ornaments and the shell and stone valuables that were used, mostly in the western Carolines, for ceremonial payments.

      Cutting tools were made from stone and shell. Europeans introduced iron, although some iron tools may have been obtained before that time from Asian sources in western Micronesia. Simple pottery has been found only in the western high islands of Micronesia: Palau, the Marianas, and Yap. Suitable clay apparently exists in Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae, but if pottery was ever introduced to those islands, it was not widely used.

      Subsistence throughout the region was based primarily on fishing and horticulture, with fishing somewhat more important in the low islands and horticulture more important in the high islands. Domestic animals were found only in some areas and were generally limited to dogs and chickens, although archaeology indicates that small numbers of pigs were also kept on a few islands.

      Coconuts and coconut palms were used everywhere, both as food and for other purposes, such as thatch, lumber, and cordage. Some form of taro, either true taro (Colocasia esculenta) or giant swamp taro (Cyrtosperma species), was probably cultivated everywhere except on some of the drier low islands in the east, where the groundwater tended to be too brackish. The breadfruit tree, which produces a large starchy fruit in abundance in the early summer, was also widely distributed. Bananas were an important food crop on the high islands.

 Tropical yams (yam) (Dioscorea species), which produce large starchy tubers, are found today on a number of the high islands; they are of greatest importance as a cultivated crop on Pohnpei, where they have high prestige value and provide an important source of food in the winter. On some of the drier atolls in the Marshalls and the Gilberts, the pandanus tree is a major subsistence crop. The edible fruit of some cultivated varieties contains starch and sugar that can be made into flour and stored. Other varieties have large edible nuts. Some varieties of pandanus are cultivated for their leaves, used principally in making plaited mats and thatch for roofs.

      Rice was introduced in the Marianas but later was largely replaced by corn (maize), introduced from Mexico by the Spanish conquerors. The sweet potato and cassava (manioc), also introduced by Europeans, now serve as alternate subsistence foods on some of the high islands.

      Many kinds of fishing were practiced. Often there was a gendered division of labour in which men would fish in deep water and women would do so in the shallower waters of the fringing reefs. Low islanders also engaged in deep-sea trolling with sailing canoes and made expeditions to small uninhabited reefs and low islands to fish and collect turtle and seabird eggs.

      All Micronesians relied heavily on water travel, although the high islanders used canoes (canoe) principally in the sheltered coastal waters of their home islands. Micronesian canoes had a single hull with one outrigger. Canoes used in protected waters were often simple dugouts, but the oceangoing vessels, found especially in the central Carolinian atolls, the Marshalls, and the Gilberts, had sides built up of irregular planks that were caulked and sewn together with cord made from coconut-husk fibre.

      Some of the atoll dwellers regularly went on trips requiring several nights on the open sea. Extra provisions were usually taken along as gifts and for emergency needs if the canoe was blown off course. It seems clear that, prehistorically, there was communication in chain fashion from the Ellice Islands and western Polynesia through the Gilberts, the Marshalls, and the Carolines to Palau and the southeast atolls and beyond them into the northern Moluccas in Indonesia. Probably there was also deliberate communication across the larger gap between the central Carolinian atolls and the Marianas, which have a long-established population of cultural Carolinian immigrants who have retained their original language.

Property and exchange
      Traditionally, the most important property among the Micronesians was land. Specific land-tenure customs varied considerably from island to island, even among those with related cultures, but in general land was owned by extended families or lineages. Individuals acquired use rights to particular plots through their kin connections, acknowledging the rights of the group by periodic offerings of first fruits to the kin group's leader. Often a community chief, and sometimes a superior chief, received offerings from each household or larger kin group holding land under his jurisdiction. In some areas, especially in eastern Micronesia, strong chiefs confiscated land from those who fell out of their favour, awarding it to loyal followers.

      Because land was scarce, various mechanisms were developed to govern its distribution. In most areas matrilineal inheritance of land rights was the norm; in practice, children could also inherit use rights to the land worked by their fathers or receive a share outright if the father's lineage had more than it needed. Land was generally not sold, but it might be given in payment for medicine and health services or as compensation for an injury.

      In the larger high islands, interior areas not under regular cultivation were considered community property and were used for collecting wild food and for temporary gardens. In the atolls all land was owned by one or another family group, even the smallest islets with only a few coconut trees.

      Large feasts (feast) were common throughout Micronesia. People assembled sizable quantities of food and offered it to the chief, who in turn redistributed much of it to the people. Sometimes a set of kin groups or communities held alternating semicompetitive feasts in which each tried to outdo the other. Feasts were held to commemorate important transitions in the life cycle, especially marriage and death. A kind of delayed exchange took place at these events, as certain relatives were obliged to make presentations of food and goods in return for past or anticipated services.

      Substantial payments were sometimes made to practitioners of traditional medicine, especially when the practitioner was not a close relative. Such payments consisted of food and other goods. The precise amount was generally left to the family of the patient, with the understanding that a stingy family might not get the most energetic and effective treatment.

      In Palau and Yap, shell and stone valuables were used in the transactions that occurred in conjunction with rites of passage (rite of passage) and for certain other compensations, such as payment for injuries. These are often referred to as money, but their use was much more limited and specific than that of most currency. The best known of these valuables were the large, flat stone disks that the men of Yap manufactured on Palau and carried home in sailing canoes. These stones were up to 13 feet (4 metres) in diameter; a hole was drilled through the middle of each disk so that two men could transport it on a pole.

      A certain amount of trade (barter) developed between the low islanders and the high islanders. The low islanders provided handicraft products that the high islanders could have made if they had needed to, and the high islanders provided goods obtained more easily where they lived. Trade was especially well developed between the low islanders of the central Carolines and the high islanders of Yap and Chuuk. The most important high-island export was turmeric, which was used for medicinal and cosmetic purposes or mixed with coconut oil to make a bright orange body paint. The low islanders provided shell beads, plaited pandanus mats, and coarse cloth woven from banana or wild hibiscus fibre that was used for women's skirts and for men's loincloths. Trade was often with particular partners who regarded themselves as distant relatives. An important function of interisland trade was to provide the low islanders with aid and a temporary dwelling place when their islands were devastated by periodic cyclones.

      After 1900 Christianity became well established in most major centres in Micronesia. For the most part, traditional religions ceased being practiced in their full original form, although in Yap and some atolls of the central Carolines, traditional religion continued to be practiced until the middle of the 20th century. Missionaries and travelers recorded descriptions of certain aspects of the island religions, but there is no complete and systematic account.

      The basic patterns of religion were probably similar throughout most of Micronesia. Micronesians were polytheists (polytheism), believing in several high gods, a large number of spirits attached to specific localities or performing specific functions, and a number of ancestors and deceased neighbours who could sometimes make contact with their living descendants and friends. Practices associated with each of these three major categories of supernatural beings tended to be distinct and to be handled by different specialists, although a specific being might gradually shift from one category to the other.

      Micronesians generally believed in at least three vertically arranged levels of the universe (cosmology): the heaven or sky world, the earth, and the underworld. Some Micronesians may have believed in multiple heavens, as did people in Polynesia and Indonesia. Micronesian myths and legends tell of the origin of particular islands or descent groups and of the initial discovery or conquest of an island by the ruling descent group. The notion of a supernatural creation of the whole human species or of the whole world is either not found or little emphasized in Micronesian mythology.

      The principal ceremonies for the high gods appear to have been offerings of first fruits, performed in private by a specialist priest with a few helpers. Priests were very likely relatives of the ruling chiefs and probably made special appeals to the high gods at times of community crisis, as when wars or cyclones approached. Human sacrifice seems not to have been practiced.

      Lesser spirits were called on by magicians for specific purposes, most notably for the diagnosis and curing of disease but also for such purposes as success in fishing, control of weather, success in love, and prowess in athletic contests, battle, canoe building, and other pursuits. Ancestral spirits were often contacted in dreams and in the trances of spirit mediums, as were the high gods and other nonhuman spirits. They would give people information about the causes of diseases, deaths, and other misfortunes and would sometimes prescribe new medicines or new varieties of magic. At times, the spirit mediums would also order their human protégés to perform songs and dances for the entertainment of the spirits, to win their goodwill and ensure the prosperity of the community.

 Prominent art forms include body painting and ornamentation, singing, dancing, and the recitation of myths, tales, and poetry. oratory was, and still is, an important traditional art; good orators were expected to make mythological and historical allusions and to use special figures of speech.

      Micronesia has relatively little sculpture or painting that is permanent. The best-known examples consist of the painted bas-relief scenes on the timbers and gables of the men's meetinghouses in Palau. Stylized wooden masks and human figures have been found in the Mortlock Islands, southeast of Chuuk. Wooden bowls were also carved and painted. Painting and decoration of canoes was common, following traditional patterns for each island. In addition, decorative lashings of light and dark sennit twine are found in important buildings, and patterns were woven into clothing. For more-detailed treatment of Oceanic arts, see Oceanic art and architecture (art and architecture, Oceanic); Oceanic music and dance (music and dance, Oceanic); Oceanic literature.

John L. Fischer Robert C. Kiste Miriam Kahn

Additional Reading

General overview
A general overview is offered in William H. Alkire, An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia, 2nd ed. (1977); Brij V. Lal and Kate Fortune (eds.), The Pacific Islands: An Encyclopedia (2000); and Douglas L. Oliver, The Pacific Islands, 3rd ed. (1989). Steven Roger Fischer, A History of the Pacific Islands (2002), includes discussions of Melanesia and Polynesia as well as Micronesia; as does Donald Denoon et al. (eds.), Cambridge History of the Pacific Islanders (1997).

Contemporary Micronesia
An overview of the last century is K.R. Howe, Robert C. Kiste, and Brij V. Lal (eds.), Tides of History: The Pacific Islands in the Twentieth Century (1994). Good treatments of Micronesia in World War II are found in Lamont Lindstrom and Geoffrey M. White, Island Encounters: Black and White Memories of the Pacific War (1990); and Geoffrey M. White and Lamont Lindstrom (eds.), The Pacific Theater: Island Representations of World War II (1989). More specific discussions of relatively recent history include Evelyn Gibson Nelson and Frederick Jens Nelson, The Island of Guam: Description and History from a 1934 Perspective (1992); Robert C. Kiste, The Bikinians: A Study in Forced Migration (1974); Martin G. Silverman, Disconcerting Issue: Meaning and Struggle in a Resettled Pacific Community (1971); Christopher Weeramantry, Nauru: Environmental Damage Under International Trusteeship (1992); and Holly Barker, Bravo for the Marshallese: Regaining Control in a Post-Nuclear, Post-Colonial World (2004). Mac Marshall, Namoluk Beyond the Reef: The Transformation of a Micronesian Community (2004), examines Namoluk emigrants to other parts of the Pacific and to the United States.

Traditional Micronesia
General descriptions of traditional Micronesia include Francis X. Hezel, The First Taint of Civilization: A History of the Caroline and Marshall Islands in Pre-Colonial Days, 1521–1885 (1983, reissued 1994); Daniel J. Peacock, Lee Boo of Belau: A Prince in London (1987); Mark R. Peattie, Nan'yô: The Rise and Fall of the Japanese in Micronesia, 1885–1945 (1988); Jimmy H. Skaggs, The Great Guano Rush: Entrepreneurs and American Overseas Expansion (1994); David Hanlon, Upon a Stone Altar: A History of the Island of Pohnpei to 1890 (1988); Georg Fritz, The Chamorro: A History and Ethnography of the Marianas (1986); Robert F. Rogers, Destiny's Landfall: A History of Guam (1995); Peter Coomans, History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands, 1667–1673 (1997); and Chris Perez Howard, Mariquita: A Tragedy of Guam (1986).Traditional forms of leadership are considered in Ron Crocombe and Ahmed Ali (eds.), Politics in Micronesia (1983); and John Haglelgam, Traditional Leaders and Governance in Micronesia (1998). Considerations of trade and economics include Ward H. Goodenough, Property, Kin, and Community on Truk, 2nd ed. (1978).Thomas Gladwin, East Is a Big Bird: Navigation and Logic on Puluwat Atoll (1970); and Steve Thomas, The Last Navigator: A Young Man, an Ancient Mariner, the Secrets of the Sea (1987), are good sources on navigation. Regional studies that focus on anthropology include Catherine A. Lutz, Unnatural Emotions: Everyday Sentiments on a Micronesian Atoll and Their Challenge to Western Theory (1988); and Martha C. Ward, Nest in the Wind: Adventures in Anthropology on a Tropical Island (1989).The art of Micronesia is among the topics discussed in Nicholas Thomas, Oceanic Art (1995). Architecture is the subject of John Hockings, Traditional Architecture in the Gilbert Islands (1989); and literature is presented in Teresia Kieuea Teaiwa, Searching for Nei Nim'anoa (1995).

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