/pij"euhn/, n.
1. an auxiliary language that has come into existence through the attempts by the speakers of two different languages to communicate and that is primarily a simplified form of one of the languages, with a reduced vocabulary and grammatical structure and considerable variation in pronunciation.
2. (loosely) any simplified or broken form of a language, esp. when used for communication between speakers of different languages.
[1875-80; extracted from PIDGIN ENGLISH]

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Language with a very limited vocabulary and a simplified grammar.

Pidgins usually arise to permit communication between groups with no language in common; if a pidgin becomes established as the native language of a group, it is known as a creole. Pidgins such as Chinese Pidgin English and Melanesian Pidgin English arose through contact between English-speaking traders and inhabitants of East Asia and the Pacific islands. Other pidgins appeared with the slave trade in Africa and with the importation of West African slaves to Caribbean plantations. Most of the small vocabulary of a pidgin language (Melanesian Pidgin has only 2,000 words, Chinese Pidgin English only 700) is usually drawn from a single language (Melanesian Pidgin, for example, has an English word stock of more than 90%).

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      originally, a language that typically developed out of sporadic and limited contacts between Europeans and non-Europeans in locations other than Europe from the 16th through the early 19th century and often in association with activities such as trade, plantation agriculture, and mining. Typical pidgins function as lingua francas (lingua franca), or means for intergroup communication, but not as vernaculars, which are usually defined as language varieties used for ordinary interactions that occur outside a business context. Pidgins have no native speakers, as the populations that use them during occasional trade contacts maintain their own vernaculars for intragroup communication.

      The communicative functions and circumstances of pidgin development account for the variable degree of normalization within their often reduced systems. Among other things, they often lack inflections on verbs and nouns, true articles and other function words (such as conjunctions), and complex sentences. They have thus been characterized from time to time as “broken” languages and even as “chaotic,” or apparently without communal conventions. Nevertheless, several pidgins have survived for generations, a characteristic that indicates a fairly stable system.

      Some of the pidgins that have survived for several generations are also spoken as vernaculars by some of their users, including Nigerian Pidgin, Cameroon Pidgin, Tok Pisin (Papua New Guinea), and Bislama (Vanuatu), all of which are based on a predominantly English vocabulary. Such vernaculars have developed systems as complex as those of related creoles (creole languages) and are called expanded pidgins. However, some linguists who assume that creoles are erstwhile pidgins that were nativized and expanded by children tend to lump both kinds of vernaculars as creoles. A more plausible explanation for the distinction is the fact that in their histories pidgins have not been associated with populations that consider themselves to be ethnically Creole.

      Some scholars of creole languages think that Lingua Franca, the variety that developed during the Middle Ages out of the contact between Romance languages and Arabic and other Levantine languages, was a pidgin. If this extension of the term pidgin is justified, then many other such contact varieties must have developed during the course of human history.

      Like creole, the term pidgin has been extended to language varieties that developed out of contacts between indigenous groups—for instance, Chinook Jargon (U.S. and Canada), Delaware Pidgin (U.S.), and Hiri Motu (Papua New Guinea). As is evident from the name of the first of these examples, the term pidgin has also alternated with jargon in common speech despite the scholarly stipulation that a jargon is developmentally an unstable pre-pidgin. This interpretation is consistent with what scholars have crystallized as the “pidgin-creole life cycle,” according to which a contact situation produces a jargon, which may die or develop into a pidgin, which in turn may die, remain as such, or develop into an expanded pidgin, which likewise may die, remain as such, or develop into a creole. Accordingly, some linguists posit that a creole may remain as such or decreolize (i.e., lose its creole features) as it assimilates to its lexifier (the language from which it inherited most of its vocabulary) if both are spoken in the same polity.

      Until the end of the 19th century, there was no developmental or technical correlation between creoles and pidgins. The term pidgin was first recorded in English in 1807, as English was adopted as the business and trade language of Canton (Guangzhou), China. At the time, the term business English was often written as pigeon English, a spelling that reflects the local pronunciation. Though the term business has been accepted as the etymon, pidgin may also have evolved from the Cantonese phrase bei chin ‘pay money' or from a convergence of both terms.

      The communication necessitated to effect trade between the English and the Cantonese led to the development of Chinese Pidgin English. As trade spread, there proved to be too few interpreters among the local Cantonese traders and their European counterparts. Many local traders applied what little English they had learned from their sporadic contacts with more-fluent speakers. This caused the business English spoken in Canton to diverge increasingly from more-standard English varieties. Since the late 19th century, linguists have extended the term pidgin to other language varieties that emerged under similar contact conditions. Pidgin was subsequently indigenized in several languages, as with pisin in Tok Pisin. However, European businessmen actually used other, and often derogatory, lay terms for such varieties, including jargon, baragouin, and patois, because the new varieties were not intelligible to native speakers of their lexifiers. This explains why pidgins have often been characterized derisively by lay people as “broken languages.”

      Several creolists have argued that creoles, or at least those of the Atlantic and Indian oceans, started without antecedent pidgins. For instance, according to the French creolist Robert Chaudenson, plantation communities were preceded by homesteads on which approximations of the colonial varieties of European languages, rather than pidgins, were spoken by masters, servants, and slaves alike. As foreign settlements in the tropics evolved into plantation colonies, their populations grew more by importation than by birth, and model speakers for the newcomers consisted more and more of “seasoned” slaves—that is, nonnative speakers who had arrived earlier and acclimated to the region and therefore spoke some approximations of the local colonial varieties of relevant European languages. This practice caused the colonial European varieties to diverge more and more from their original lexifiers until they eventually became identified as creole languages. The divergence was thus gradual from closer approximations of the lexifier to varieties more and more different, an evolutionary process identified as basilectalization (basilect being the variety that is the most divergent from the European lexifier).

Salikoko Sangol Mufwene

Additional Reading
Readers may find several classic and recent texts useful, including Robert A. Hall, Jr., Pidgin and Creole Languages (1966); Dell Hymes (ed.), Pidginization and Creolization of Languages (1971); Mervyn C. Alleyne, Comparative Afro-American (1980); Peter Mühlhäusler, Pidgin and Creole Linguistics (1986); John Holm, Pidgins and Creoles, vol. 2, Reference Survey (1989); Jacques Arends, Pieter Muysken, and Norval Smith (eds.), Pidgins and Creoles: An Introduction (1995); Arthur Spears and Donald Winford (eds.), Pidgins and Creoles: Structure and Status (1996); Sarah G. Thomason (ed.), Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective (1997); Robert Chaudenson, Creolization of Language and Culture, rev. by Salikoko S. Mufwene (2001; originally published in French, 1992); Salikoko S. Mufwene, The Ecology of Language Evolution (2001); and Jeff Siegel, The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages (2008).Salikoko Sangol Mufwene

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