/gul"euh/, n.
1. a member of a population of black Americans inhabiting the Sea Islands and the coastal regions of South Carolina, Georgia, and northeastern Florida.
2. a creolized form of English spoken by the Gullahs, containing many words and grammatical features derived from African languages.
[1730-40; of uncert. orig.; variously identified with ANGOLA or the Gola, a Liberian ethnic group]

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also called  Sea Island Creole  or  Geechee 

      English-based creole (creole languages) vernacular spoken primarily by African Americans living on the seaboard of South Carolina and Georgia (U.S.), who are also culturally identified as Gullahs or Geechees (see also Sea Islands). Gullah developed in rice fields during the 18th century as a result of contact between colonial varieties of English and the languages of African slaves. These Africans and their descendants created the new language in response to their own linguistic diversity. Then as now, Africa was marked by a multitude of languages. This made it almost impossible for slaves, who typically originated in different places, to find a single African language to use in common. They appropriated English as a common language, and it was in turn modified and influenced by the African languages they originally spoke.

      Traditionally, Gullah has been considered as the variety of English diverging the most from educated, white, middle-class American English varieties. This degree of divergence was facilitated by the speakers' early and prolonged segregation from both European American and mainland African American communities. Since the late 19th century, various experts on Gullah have speculated that the language might die “within the next generation,” because it allegedly had fewer and fewer native speakers, especially among the young. However, once one realizes that there was never a time in American history when Gullah was spoken by every coastal African American, there may not be much reason to fear that its potential death may be imminent. Although there were several migrations out of the Sea Islands' region during the mid-20th century—predominantly to escape poverty—many of those who left have returned, often quite disenchanted with life in the city and eager to hold on to their heritage language variety as a marker of cultural identity.

      To be sure, though the Geechees have lost much of their land to developers on islands such as Hilton Head and James (South Carolina), those who have remained, especially on Wadmalaw and Johns islands (South Carolina) or Sapelo Island (Georgia), continue to speak their vernacular among themselves. It is also noteworthy that the region's in-migrants, consisting mostly of affluent whites, have not mixed with its traditional residents. In this sense, a form of residential segregation similar to that of mainland American cities has protected the creole. Schooling has typically provided the Geechees with nothing more than an additional English variety to communicate with outsiders. Gullah can thus be considered as a sort of underground language that is naturally spoken in the family and other community-internal settings but that is hidden from outsiders, by whom it has generally been stigmatized. If it is dying as a result of out-migration, its death appears to be slower than that of similarly marginalized and stigmatized English varieties spoken by white populations on islands such as Ocracoke (North Carolina), where the older residents and the in-migrants have often mixed.

      Gullah tense and aspect are marked by null or free morphemes (morpheme), a form of speech that occurs rarely in other English varieties and usually only in archaic or marginal nonstandard dialects (dialect) spoken by rural whites. For instance, the verb go, pronounced as /gə/, is typically used to mark the future tense, as in he go see um ‘he'll see him/her/it'; the locative verb duh /də/ marks the progressive aspect, as in Uh ain duh fun ‘I'm not kidding'; duhz/does /dəz/ is used to express habits, as in How you duhz cook this? ‘How do you (usually) cook this?'; and the verb done ‘finish' combines with a verb stem to mark the perfect aspect rather emphatically, as in Sara done tell me ‘Sara (has) told me.'

      Gullah's basic universal negator is ain (from English ain't), as in he ain go come ‘he won't come' and Uh ain tell you nothin ‘I haven't told you anything/I didn't tell you anything.' The language is also characterized by multiple negatives, as in the previous examples and She ain go nowheh (nohow) ‘She isn't going anywhere (anyhow).'

       gender and case distinctions in the pronominal system are made only partially. For instance, she refers to females, but he is not gender-specific; um /Λm/ is the object form for third person singular regardless of gender, but he is used in the subject and possessive functions, as in he mouth ‘his/her/its mouth,' and she is used for all functions, as in she come ‘she came,' we tell she ‘we told her,' and that she buba ‘that's her brother.' A bare noun is normally used where English uses a generic indefinite plural or singular, as in You gwine kill u, wi' knife? ‘Are you going to kill it with a knife?'—when the speaker is not referring to a specific knife—and gata live in wata ‘alligators live in water.'

      A linguistic continuum parallels the geographic one from the coast to the hinterland, making it difficult to determine a clear boundary between Gullah and African American Vernacular English (AAVE; also called Ebonics). What is clearly Gullah closely resembles nonstandard Bahamian English in both grammar and intonation. The connection is historical, as a number of planters from the region moved their business operations, including their slaves, to the Bahamas during the American Civil War (1861–65).

Salikoko Sangol Mufwene

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Universalium. 2010.

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