Roman religion

Religious beliefs of the Romans from ancient times until official acceptance of Christianity in the 4th century AD.

The Romans believed that everything was subordinate to the rule of the gods, and the object of their religion was to secure divine cooperation and benevolence. Prayer and sacrifice were used to propitiate the gods and were often carried out at temples dedicated to particular divinities and presided over by priests (see flamen). The chief Roman priest, head of the state religion, was known as the pontifex maximus; notable among the other groups of priests were the augurs, who practiced divination to determine whether the gods approved of an action. The earliest Roman gods were the sky god Jupiter, the war god Mars, and Quirinus; other important early gods were Janus and Vesta. Many other deities were borrowed from Greek religion or associated with Greek gods, and the stories woven into Roman mythology were often taken directly from Greek mythology. Domestic shrines were devoted to divine ancestors or protectors, the Lares and Penates. Dead Roman emperors were also raised to the status of divinities and were regarded with veneration and gratitude.

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Introduction

also called  Roman mythology 

 beliefs and practices of the inhabitants of the Italian peninsula from ancient times until the ascendancy of Christianity in the 4th century AD.

Nature and significance

      The Romans, according to the orator and politician Cicero, excelled all other peoples in the unique wisdom that made them realize that everything is subordinate to the rule and direction of the gods. Yet Roman religion was based not on divine grace but instead on mutual trust (fides) between god and man. The object of Roman religion was to secure the cooperation, benevolence, and “peace” of the gods (pax deorum). The Romans believed that this divine help would make it possible for them to master the unknown forces around them that inspired awe and anxiety (religio), and thus they would be able to live successfully. Consequently, there arose a body of rules, the jus divinum (“divine law”), ordaining what had to be done or avoided.

      These precepts for many centuries contained scarcely any moral element; they consisted of directions for the correct performance of ritual. Roman religion laid almost exclusive emphasis on cult acts, endowing them with all the sanctity of patriotic tradition. Roman ceremonial was so obsessively meticulous and conservative that, if the various partisan accretions that grew upon it throughout the years can be eliminated, remnants of very early thought can be detected near the surface.

      This demonstrates one of the many differences between Roman religion and Greek religion, in which such remnants tend to be deeply concealed. The Greeks, when they first began to document themselves, had already gone quite a long way toward sophisticated, abstract, and sometimes daring conceptions of divinity and its relation to man. But the orderly, legalistic, and relatively inarticulate Romans never quite gave up their old practices. Moreover, until the vivid pictorial imagination of the Greeks began to influence them, they lacked the Greek taste for seeing their deities in personalized human form and endowing them with mythology (myth). In a sense, there is no Roman mythology, or scarcely any. Although discoveries in the 20th century, notably in the ancient region of Etruria (between the Tiber and Arno rivers, west and south of the Apennines), confirm that Italians were not entirely unmythological, their mythology is sparse. What is found at Rome is chiefly only a pseudomythology (which, in due course, clothed their own nationalistic or family legends in mythical dress borrowed from the Greeks). Nor did Roman religion have a creed; provided that a Roman performed the right religious actions, he was free to think what he liked about the gods. And, having no creed, he usually deprecated emotion as out of place in acts of worship.

      In spite, however, of the antique features not far from the surface, it is difficult to reconstruct the history and evolution of Roman religion. The principal literary sources, antiquarians such as the 1st-century-BC Roman scholars Varro (Varro, Marcus Terentius) and Verrius Flaccus (Verrius Flaccus, Marcus), and the poets who were their contemporaries (under the late Republic and Augustus), wrote 700 and 800 years after the beginnings of Rome. They wrote at a time when the introduction of Greek methods and myths had made erroneous (and flattering) interpretations of the distant Roman past unavoidable. In order to supplement such conjectures or facts as they may provide, scholars rely on surviving copies of the religious calendar and on other inscriptions. There is also a rich, though frequently cryptic, treasure-house of material in coins and medallions and in works of art.

History

Early Roman religion

      For the earliest times, there are the various finds and findings of archaeology. But they are not sufficient to enable scholars to reconstruct archaic Roman religion. They do, however, suggest that early in the 1st millennium BC, though not necessarily at the time of the traditional date for the founding of Rome (753 BC), Latin and Sabine shepherds and farmers with light plows came from the Alban Hills and the Sabine Hills, and that they proceeded to establish villages at Rome, the Latins on the Palatine Hill and the Sabines (though this is uncertain) on the Quirinal and Esquiline hills. About 620 the communities merged, and c. 575 the Forum Romanum between them became the town's meeting place and market.

Deification of functions

      From such evidence it appears that the early Romans, like many other Italians, sometimes saw divine force (animism), or divinity, operating in pure function and act, such as in human activities like opening doors or giving birth to children, and in nonhuman phenomena such as the movements of the sun and seasons of the soil. They directed this feeling of veneration both toward happenings that affected human beings regularly and, sometimes, toward single, unique manifestations, such as a mysterious voice that once spoke and saved them in a crisis (Aius Locutius). They multiplied functional deities of this kind to an extraordinary degree of “religious atomism,” in which countless powers or forces were identified with one phase of life or another. Their functions were sharply defined; and in approaching them it was important to use their right names and titles. If one knew the name, one could secure a hearing. Failing that, it was often best to cover every contingency by admitting that the divinity was “unknown” or adding the precautionary phrase “or whatever name you want to be called” or “if it be a god or goddess.”

Veneration of objects

      The same sort of anxious awe was extended not only to functions and acts but also to certain objects that inspired a similar belief that they were in some way more than natural. This feeling was aroused, for example, by springs and woods, objects of gratitude in the torrid summer, or by stones that were often believed to be meteorites—i.e., had apparently reached the earth in an uncanny fashion. To these were added products of human action, such as burial places and boundary stones, and inexplicable things, such as Neolithic implements (probably the mysterious meteorites were often these) or bronze shields (artifacts that had strayed in from more advanced cultures).

 To describe the powers in these objects and functions that inspired the horror, or sacred thrill, the Romans eventually employed the word numen, suggestive of a god's nod, nutus; though so far there is no evidence that this usage was earlier than the 2nd century BC. The application of the word spirit to numen is anachronistic in regard to early epochs because it presupposes a society capable of greater abstraction. Nor must the term mana, used by Melanesians to describe their own concept of superhuman forces, be introduced too readily. The two societies are not necessarily analogous and, besides, the deduction from such comparisons that the Romans experienced an impersonal, pre-deistic, primordial stage of religion that neatly preceded the personal stage cannot be regarded as correct. On the contrary, from the very earliest times, the supernatural forces that they envisaged included a number of deities in analogous human forms (anthropomorphism); among them were certain “high gods.” Foremost among these was a divinity of the sky, Jupiter, akin to the sky gods of other early Indo-European-speaking peoples, the Sanskrit Dyaus and Greek Zeus. Not yet, probably, a Supreme Being, though superior in some sense to other divine powers, this god of the heavens was easily linked with the forces of function and object, with lightning and weather, or with the uncanny stone that came from on high and was called Jupiter Lapis.

Purpose of sacrifice and magic

      These gods and sacred functions and objects seemed charged with power because they were mysterious and alarming. In order to secure their food supply, physical protection, and growth in numbers, the early Romans believed that such forces had to be propitiated and made allies. sacrifice was necessary. The product sacrificed would revitalize the divinity, which was seen as a power of action and therefore likely to run down unless so revitalized. By this nourishment he or it would become able and ready to fulfill requests. And so the sacrifice was accompanied by the phrase macte esto! (“be you increased!”).

       prayer was a normal accompaniment of sacrifice, and as a conception of the divine powers gradually developed, it contained varying ingredients of flattery, cajolery, and attempted justification; but it also was compounded by magic—the attempt not to persuade nature, but to coerce it. Though the authorities (e.g., c. 451–450 BC, Law of the Twelve Tables) sought to limit its noxious aspects, magic continued to abound throughout the ancient world. Even official rites remained full of its survivals, notably the annual festival of the Lupercalia and the ritual dances of the Salii in honour of Mars. Romans in historical times regarded magic as an oriental intrusion, but Italian tribes, such as the Marsi and Paeligni, were famous for such practices. Among them curses figured prominently, and curse inscriptions from c. 500 BC onward have been found in large numbers. There were also numerous survivals of taboo, a negative branch of magic: people were admonished to have no dealings with strangers, corpses, newborn children, spots struck by lightning, etc., lest harm would befall them.

Religion in the Etruscan period

      The apparent amalgamation of the Latin and Sabine villages of Rome coincided with, or more probably was soon followed by, a period in which Rome was under the control of at least one dynasty (the Tarquins) from Etruria, north of the Tiber (c. 575–510 BC, though some scholars would extend this domination to c. 450).

Importance of ritual

      The Etruscans felt profound religious anxieties and were more devoted to ritual than any other people of the ancient Western world. Though sources are, again, late and unsatisfactory, it appears that they possessed a comprehensive collection of rules regulating these rites. Etruscan culture was heavily based on influences from Greece in its orientalizing period, conveyed mainly through Greek centres (such as Cumae) in Campania, colonized by Euboeans, who were also prominent in Syrian markets. But the religion of Etruria proclaims a very un-Greek view of the abasement and nonentity of man before the gods and their will.

 To the Etruscans the whole fanatical effort of life was directed toward forcing their deities, led by Tinia or Tin (Jupiter), to yield up their secrets by divination. They saw an intimate link existing between heaven and earth, which seemed to echo one another within a unitary system, and they were more ambitious than either Greeks or Romans in their claims to foretell the future. They also formed an exceptionally complex, rich, and imaginative picture of the afterlife. The living were perpetually obsessed by their care for the dead (death rite), expressed in elaborate, magnificently equipped and decorated tombs and lavish sacrifices. For, in spite of beliefs in an underworld, or Hades, there was also a conviction that the individuality of the dead somehow continued in their mortal remains; and it was therefore imperative that they take pleasure in their graves or tombs and not return to haunt the living. From the 4th century BC onward, after the Etruscans had lost their political power to Rome, their art depicts horrors indicating an increasing fear of what death might bring.

Influence on Roman religion

      The Roman religion continued to display certain obvious debts to the period when the city had been under Etruscan control. It is true that the Roman shades (Di Manes) were much less substantial than the fantastic Etruscan conceptions and, although Etruscan divination by the liver and entrails survived and later became increasingly fashionable in Rome, Roman diviners in general, products of a more realistic and prosaic society, never aspired to such precise information about the future as the Etruscans had hoped to gain. Yet, it was the Etruscans who first gave a vigorous definition to Italian religious forms. Indeed, many of the religious features that patriotic historians preferred to ascribe to the mythical King Numa Pompilius (who was supposed to have been Romulus' Sabine successor in the 8th century BC—the man of peace following the man of war) date, in fact, from the period of Etruscan domination two centuries later. Nevertheless, Romans acknowledged a debt to Etruria that included much ceremony and ritual and the plan, appearance, and decoration of a number of temples, notably the great shrine of the Capitoline Triad, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. The Romans also were indebted to the Etruscans for their first statues of gods, including the cult image of Jupiter commissioned from an Etruscan for the Capitoline temple. Such statuary, showing the gods in human shape, encouraged the Romans to think of their gods in this way, with the consequent possibility of investing them with myths, which thereafter gradually accumulated around them in the form of Hellenic stories often infused with a native patriotic element.

 Above all, Rome owed to its Etruscan kings its religious calendar. In addition to poetical works discussing the calendar in antiquarian fashion, such as the Fasti of Ovid, there are extant fragments of about 40 copies of the calendar itself, in a revised shape established by Julius Caesar. Besides the Julian revision, there is an incomplete pre-Caesarian, Republican calendar, the Fasti Antiates, discovered at Antium (Anzio); it dates from after 100 BC. It is possible to detect in these calendars much that is very ancient, including a pre-Etruscan 10-month solar year. However, the basis of the calendars, in their surviving form, is later, since it consists of an attempt to reconcile the solar and lunar year, in accordance with Babylonian calculations. This endeavour belongs to the period of Etruscan domination of Rome—for example, the names of the months April and June (in their Roman form) come from Etruria. Moreover, the presence or absence of certain festivals permits a dating approximating to the time of Etruscan domination in the later 6th century BC. Additional modifications were introduced in the following century and again when the calendar was subsequently published (30 BC).

      The festivals (feast) it records, of which the earliest are indicated in large letters, reflect a period of transition between country and town life. Though local cult continued to remain active, many forms of worship hitherto maintained by families and farms had now been taken over by the comparatively mature Roman state. The state management blocked any tendency toward spiritualization and removed the need for any vigorous individual participation; however, by ensuring that the gods were conciliated by a schedule corresponding to the regular process of nature, it made the individual citizens feel for centuries that relations with the supernatural were being maintained safely.

Religion in the early Republic

      Even if, as tradition records, a coup d'état dislodged the Etruscan kings before 500 BC, in the first half of the 5th century there was no weakening of trade relations with Etruria. Its southern cities, such as Caere (Cerveteri) and Veii close to Rome, had long used the Greek city of Cumae as a commercial outlet, converting it into an important grain supplier. And now Rome, faced with a shortage of grain, arranged for it to be imported from Cumae. The same city also influenced the foundation of Roman temples in the Greek (Greek religion) style. Rome, which had already become accustomed to Greek religious customs in the Etruscan epoch, now showed a willingness to absorb them. This forms a strange contrast to its deeply ingrained religious conservatism. Moreover, at some quite early stage (though there is no positive evidence of the practice until the 3rd century), Romans borrowed from elsewhere in Italy a special ritual (evocatio) for inviting the patron deities of captured towns to abandon their homes and migrate to Rome.

      In an emergency in 399 BC, during a difficult siege of Veii, Rome carried Hellenization further by importing a Greek rite in which, as an appeal to emotional feeling, images of pairs of gods were exhibited on couches before tables spread with food and drink; this rite ( lectisternium) was designed to make them Rome's welcome guests. From the same century onward, if not earlier, pestilences were averted by another ritual ( supplicatio), in which the whole populace went around the temples and prostrated themselves in Greek fashion. Later the custom was extended to the celebration of victories.

Religion in the later Republic: crises and new trends

 The lectisternium was repeated, with increased elaboration and pomp, in 217 BC during a period in which emotional religion was running rampant because of Hannibal's invasion of Italy in the Second Punic War. Faced with a flood of fears and anxieties and reports of many alarming and extraordinary events, Rome took precautions to secure the favour of all manner of gods. Among them, as a desperate attempt at novelty when appeals to the usual deities seemed stale, was the introduction of the Great Mother of Asia Minor, Cybele (Great Mother of the Gods) (204 BC). Eighteen years later, the equally orgiastic worship of Dionysus (Bacchus) was coming in so rapidly and violently, by way of southern Italy, that the Senate, scenting subversion, repressed its practitioners. But these and other mystery religions (mystery religion), promising initiation, afterlife, and an excitement that Roman national cults could not provide, had come to stay and, although there were long periods of official disapproval before acclimatization was completed, they gradually played an immense part upon the religious scene. Eastern astrology, too, became extremely popular. It was based on the conviction that, since there is cosmic sympathy between the earth and other heavenly bodies, and since, therefore, the emanations of these bodies influence the earth, men must learn how to foresee their dictates—and outwit them.

      Astrological practices received encouragement from Stoic philosophy, which was introduced to Rome in the 2nd and early 1st centuries BC, notably by Panaetius and Poseidonius. The Stoics saw this pseudoscience as proof of the Platonic unity of the universe. Stoicism affected Roman religious thinking in at least three other ways. First, it had a deterministic effect, encouraging a widespread belief in Fate and also, somewhat illogically, in Fortune (Fortuna), both of which were revered in other parts of the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern world. Second, Stoicism infused a new spirituality into religious thinking by its insistence that the human soul is part of the universal spirit and shares its divinity. Third, the moral implication of this, as the Stoics pointed out, was that all men are brothers and must treat each other accordingly. This demonstration struck a chord in the psychology of the Romans, who possessed strongly ethical inclinations and now, at last, saw this trend supported and justified by a philosophical sanction that their formalistic religion had not provided. In changing times of imperialism, materialism, and widespread heart-searching, the state religion had failed to fill the vacuum, and philosophy stepped in instead. At the same time the negative approach of Roman religion to the afterlife was counteracted by an influx of speculations that blended theology, mysticism, and magic and claimed the mythical Orpheus and the part historical, part legendary Pythagoras as prophets.

      While their national poet Ennius (Ennius, Quintus) helped to diffuse such beliefs, he and the comic dramatist Plautus ridiculed the traditional Roman gods on the stage. The upper-class attitude of the times was expressed by the historian Polybius, the priestly lawyer Scaevola, the scholarly Varro, and the orator and philosopher Cicero (Cicero, Marcus Tullius), who maintained that the importance of religion was political, residing in its power to keep the multitude under control, to prevent social chaos, and to promote patriotic feeling.

The imperial epoch: the final forms of Roman paganism

 After the prolonged horrors of civil war had ended (30 BC), the victorious Octavian (Augustus), the adoptive son of the dictator Caesar and founder of the imperial regime or principate, decided, correctly, that the ancient religion was far from dead and that the restoration of all its forms would respond to a strong popular, instinctive belief that the disasters of the past generations had been due to the neglect of religious duties.

The imperial cult

      Octavian himself took the name Augustus, a term indicating a claim to reverence. This did not make him a god in his lifetime, but, combined with the insertion of his numen and his genius (originally the procreative power that enables a family to be carried on) into certain cults, it prepared the way for his posthumous deification, just as Caesar (Caesar, Julius) had been deified before him. Both were deified by the state because they seemed to have given Rome gifts worthy of a god. From earliest times in Greece there had been an idea that, if someone saved you, you should pay him the honours you would offer to a god. Alexander the Great and his successors had demanded reverence as divine saviours, and Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt introduced a cult of his own living person. The Stoic belief that the human soul was part of the world soul was a corollary of the view that great men possessed a larger share of this divine element. Moreover, the 3rd-century-BC mythographer Euhemerus had elaborated a theory that the gods themselves had once been human; this idea was readily adapted to the supposed careers of Heracles (Hercules) and the Dioscuri (Castor and Polydeuces [Pollux]); and the Romans applied it to their own gods Saturn and Quirinus, the latter identified with the national founder, Romulus, risen to heaven. And so it became customary—if emperors (emperor) (and empresses) were approved of in their lives—to raise them to divinity after their deaths. They were called divi, not dei like the Olympian gods; the latter were prayed to, but the former were regarded with veneration and gratitude.

      As the empire proceeded and the old religion seemed more and more irrelevant to people's personal preoccupations and successive national emergencies, the cult of the divi, subsequently grouped together in a single Hall of Fame, remained foremost among the patriotic cults that were increasingly encouraged as unifying forces. Concentrating on the protectors of the emperor and the nation, they included the worship of Rome herself, and of the genius of the Roman people; for the army a number of special military celebrations are recorded on the Calendar of Doura-Europus in Mesopotamia (Feriale Duranum, c. AD 225–27). As for the ruling emperors, they were more and more frequently treated as divine, with varying degrees of formality, and officially they often were compared with gods. As monotheistic (monotheism) tendencies grew, however, this custom led not so much to their identification with the gods as to the doctrine that they were the elect of the divine powers, who were defined as their companions (comites). In pursuance of this way of thinking, as official paganism approached its last days, the emperors Diocletian and Maximian took the names Jovius and Herculius, respectively, after their Companions and Patrons Jupiter and Hercules.

Introduction of Christianity and Mithraism

      By now, however, the humanistic idea that men could become gods had ceased to have any plausibility. Plotinus and his Neoplatonism, the dominant philosophy of the pagan world from the mid-3rd century AD, had given powerful, mystical shape to the Platonic and Stoic conception that the universe is governed by a single force. On the other hand, the greatest religious figure of the century, the Iranian Mani, who had started to preach in Mesopotamia c. 240, dramatically preached the opposing dualistic (dualism) idea that the world is the creation not only of a good power but of an evil one as well. Mani's church, which alarmed Diocletian and for a time attracted the great Christian theologian St. Augustine, absorbed many of the innumerable cults of Gnostics (Gnosticism) who claimed special knowledge (gnōsis) by illumination and revelation and taught how people can purge the nonspiritual from within themselves and escape their earthly prison. More impressively, the cult of the Persian Mithra (Mithraism) blended the dualism of Mani with the emotional initiations of the mystery religions (corrected by a much sterner tone of moral endeavour) and became a strong link between the cult of the Sun (sun worship) (which appealed to contemporary monotheists) and the fashionable revulsion from the senses that was shortly to lead to Christian monasticism. Like Christianity, Mithraism had its sacraments; but the life of Mithra exercised a less far-reaching appeal than the life of Christ, and Mithra's cult excluded women.

      Christianity, unique in its universal charity and unique also in its demand for a noble effort of faith in Jesus' blend of divinity and humanity, was the religion that prevailed in the Roman world. It satisfied the emperor Constantine's (Constantine I) impulsive need for divine support, and from AD 312 onward, by a complex and gradual process, it became the official religion of the empire.

The survival of Roman religion

      For a time, coins and other monuments continued to link Christian doctrines with the worship of the Sun, to which Constantine had been addicted previously. But even when this phase came to an end, Roman paganism continued to exert other, permanent influences, great and small. The emperors passed on to the popes the title of chief priest, pontifex maximus. The saints, with their distribution of functions, often seemed to perpetuate the many numina of ancient tradition. The ecclesiastical calendar retains numerous remnants of pre-Christian festivals—notably Christmas, which blends elements including both the feast of the Saturnalia and the birthday of Mithra. But, most of all, the mainstream of Western Christianity owed ancient Rome the firm discipline that gave it stability and shape, combining insistence on established forms with the possibility of recognizing that novelties need not be excluded, since they were implicit from the start.

Beliefs, practices, and institutions

The earliest divinities

      The early Romans, like other Italians, worshiped not only purely functional and local forces but also certain high gods. Chief among them was the sky god Jupiter, whose cult, at first limited to the communities around the Alban Hills, later gained Rome as an adherent. The Romans gave Jupiter his own priest (flamen), and the fact that there were two other senior flamines, devoted to Mars and Quirinus, confirms other indications that the cults of these three deities, envisaged perhaps in some sort of association, belonged to a very early stratum (though the theory of their correspondence to the three-class social division of the early Indo-European-speaking peoples is generally unacceptable). Mars, whose name may or may not be Indo-European, was a high god of many Italian peoples, as liturgical bronze tablets found at Iguvium (Gubbio), the Tabulae Iguvinae (c. 200–c. 80 BC), confirm, protecting them in war and defending their agriculture and animals against disease. Later, he was identified with the Greek god of war, Ares, and also was regarded as the father of Romulus. Mars Gradivus presided over the beginning of a war and Mars Quirinus over its end, but earlier Quirinus had apparently, as a separate deity, been the patron of the Quirinal village before its amalgamation with the Palatine; subsequently he was believed to have been the god that Romulus became when he ascended into heaven.

 Two other forces that belong to an early phase were Janus and Vesta, the powers of the door and hearth, respectively. Janus, who had no Greek equivalent, was worshiped beside the Forum in a small shrine with double doors at either end and originated either from a divine power that regulated the passage over running water or rather, perhaps, from sacred doorways like those found on the art of Bronze Age Mycenae. Janus originally stood for the magic of the door of a private house or hut and later became a part of the state religion. The gates of his temple were formally closed when the state was at peace, a custom going back to the primitive war magic that required armies to march out to battle by this properly sanctified route. Vesta, too, passed from the home to the state, always retaining a circular temple reminiscent of the primitive huts whose form can be reconstructed from traces left in the earth and from surviving funerary urns. Vesta's shrine contained the eternal fire, but the absence of a statue indicates that it preceded the anthropomorphic period; its correspondence with the Indian garhapatya, “house-father's fire,” suggest an origin prior to the time of the differentiation of the Indo-European-speaking peoples. The cultic site just outside the area of the primitive Palatine settlement indicates that there had been a form of fire worship even earlier than Vesta's (dedicated to the deity Caca) on the Palatine itself. The cult of Vesta, tended by her Virgins, continued to flourish until the end of antiquity, endowed with an important role in the sacred protectorship of Rome.

 The Di Manes, collective powers (later “spirits”) of the dead, may mean “the good people,” an anxious euphemism like the Greek name of “the kindly ones” for the Furies. As a member of the family or clan, however, the dead man or woman would, more specifically, be one of the Di Parentes; reverence for ancestors was the core of Roman religious and social life. Di Indigetes was a name given collectively to these forebears, as well as to other deified powers or spirits who likewise controlled the destiny of Rome. For example, the name Indiges is applied to Aeneas, whose mythical immigration from Troy led to the eventual foundation of the city. According to an inscription of the 4th century BC (found at Tor Tignosa, 15 miles south of Rome), Aeneas is also called Lar, which indicates that the Lares, too, were originally regarded as divine ancestors and not as deities who presided over the farmland. The Lares were worshiped wherever properties adjoined, and inside every home their statuettes were placed in the domestic shrine (lararium). Under state control they moved from boundaries of properties to crossroads (where Augustus eventually associated his own genius with the cult) and were worshiped as the guardian spirits of the whole community (Lares Praestites). The cult of the Di Penates likewise moved from house to state. From very early times the Penates, the powers that ensured that there was enough to eat, were worshiped in every home. They also came to be regarded as national protectors, the Penates Publici. Originally they were synonymous with the Dioscuri. The legend that they had been brought to Italy by Aeneas with his followers from Troy was imported from Lavinium (Pratica di Mare) when the early Romans incorporated that town into their own state.

The divinities of the later Regal period

 Two other deities whose Roman cults tradition attributed to the period of the kings were Diana and Fors Fortuna. Diana, an Italian wood goddess worshiped at Aricia (Ariccia) in Latium and prayed to by women who wanted children, was in due course identified with the Greek Artemis. Her temple on the Aventine Hill (c. 540 BC) with its statue, an imitation of a Greek model from Massilia (Marseille), was based on the Temple of Artemis of Ephesus. By establishing such a sanctuary, the Roman monarch Servius Tullius hoped to emulate the Pan-Ionian League among the Latin peoples. Fors Fortuna, whose temple across the Tiber from the city was one of the few that slaves could attend, was similar to the oracular shrines of Fortuna at Antium (Anzio) and Praeneste (Palestrina). Originally a farming deity, she eventually represented luck. She came to be identified with Tyche, the patroness of cities and goddess of Fortune among the Hellenistic Greeks.

 In Roman tradition, Servius Tullius reigned between two Etruscan kings, Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus. The Etruscan kings began and perhaps finished the most important Roman temple, devoted to the cult of the Capitoline Triad, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva (the dedication was believed to have taken place in 509 or 507 BC after the expulsion of the Etruscans). Such triads, housed in temples with three chambers (cellae), were an Etruscan institution. But the grouping of these three Roman deities seems to be owed to Greek anthropomorphic ideas, since Hera and Athena, with whom Juno and Minerva were identified, were respectively the wife and daughter of Zeus (Jupiter). In Italy, Juno (Uni in Etruscan) was sometimes the warlike high goddess of a town (e.g., Lanuvium [Lanuvio] in Latium), but her chief function was to supervise the life of women, and particularly their sexual life. The functions of Minerva concerned craftsmen and reflected the growing industrial life of Rome. Two gods with Etruscan names, both worshiped at open altars before they had temples in Rome, were Vulcan and Saturn, the former a fire god identified with the Greek blacksmiths' deity Hephaestus, and the latter an agricultural god identified with Cronus, the father of Zeus. Saturn was worshiped in Greek fashion, with head uncovered.

 The focal point of the cult of Hercules (Heracles) was the Great Altar (Ara Maxima) in the cattle market, just inside the boundaries of the primitive Palatine settlement. The altar may be traced to a shrine of Melkart established by traders from Phoenicia in the 7th century BC. The name of the god, however, was derived from the Greek Heracles, whose worship spread northward from southern Italy, brought by traders who venerated his journeys, his labours, and his power to avert evil. In a market frequented by strangers, a widely recognized divinity of this type was needed to keep the peace. The Greek cult, at first private, perhaps dates from the 5th century BC.

The divinities of the Republic

 An important series of temples was founded early in the 5th century BC. The completion of the temple of the Etruscan Saturn was attributed to this time (497). A shrine honouring the twin horsemen, the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), was also built in this period. An inscription from Lavinium describing them by the Greek term kouroi indicates a Greek origin (from southern Italy) without Etruscan mediation. In legend, the Dioscuri had helped Rome to victory in a battle against the Latins at Lake Regillus, and in historic times, on anniversaries of that engagement, they continued to preside over the annual parade of knights (equites). From southern Italy, too, came the cult of Ceres, whose temple traditionally was vowed in 496 and dedicated in 493. Ceres was an old Italian deity who presided over the generative powers of nature and came to be identified with Demeter, the Greek goddess of grain. She owed her installation in Rome to the influence of the Greek colony of Cumae, from which the Romans imported grain during a threatened famine. The association of Ceres at this temple with two other deities, Liber (Liber and Libera) (a fertility god identified with Dionysus) and Libera (his female counterpart), was based on the triad at Eleusis in Greece. The Roman temple, built in the Etruscan style but with Greek ornamentation, stood beside a Greek trading centre on the Aventine Hill and became a rallying ground for the plebeians, the humbler section of the community who were hard hit by the grain shortage at this time and who were pressing for their rights against the patricians.

  Cumae also played a part in the introduction of Apollo. The Sibylline Oracles housed in Apollo's shrine at Cumae allegedly were brought to Rome by the last Etruscan kings. The importation of the cult (431 BC) was prescribed by the Sibylline Books at a time when Rome, as on earlier occasions, had requested Cumae for help with grain. The Cumaean Apollo, however, was primarily prophetic, whereas the Roman cult, introduced at a time of epidemic, was concerned principally with his gifts as a healer. This role may possibly have been derived from the Etruscans, whose Apollo is known from a superb statue of c. 500 BC from Veii, Etruria's nearest city to Rome. In 82 BC the Sibylline Books were destroyed and replaced by a collection assembled from various sources. Later, Augustus elevated Apollo as the patron of himself and his regime, intending thereby to convert the brilliant Hellenic god of peace and civilization to the glory of Rome.

 Unlike Apollo, Aphrodite did not keep her name when she became identified with an Italian deity. Instead, she took on the name Venus, derived, without complete certainty, from the idea of venus, “blooming nature” (the derivation from venia, “grace,” seems less likely). She gained greatly in significance because of the legend that she was the mother of Aeneas, the ancestor of Rome, whom statuettes of the 5th century BC from Veii show escaping from Troy with his father and son. From the time of the Punic Wars 200 years later the Trojan legend grew, for long before the 1st-century-BC dictators Sulla and Caesar claimed Venus as their ancestor, the story was interpreted as the preface to the Carthaginian struggle.

      A number of gods were spoken of as possessing accompaniments, often in the feminine gender; e.g., Lua Saturni and Moles Martis. These attachments, sometimes spoken of as cult partners, were not the wives of the male divinities but rather expressed a special aspect of their power or will. A similar origin could be ascribed to the worship of divine powers representing “qualities.” Fides (“Faith” or “Loyalty”), for example, may at first have been an attribute or aspect of a Latin-Sabine god of oaths, Semo Sanctus Dius Fidius; and in the same way Victoria may come from Jupiter Victor. Some of these concepts were worshiped very early, such as Ops (“Plenty,” later associated with Saturn and equated with Hebe), and Juventas (who watched over the men of military age). The first of these qualities to receive a temple, as far as is known, is Concordia (367), in celebration of the end of civil strife. Salus (health or well-being) followed in c. 302, Victoria in c. 300, Pietas (dutifulness to family and gods, later exalted by Virgil as the whole basis of Roman religion) in 191. The Greeks, too, from the earliest days, had clothed such qualities in words; e.g., Shame, Peace, Justice, and Fortune. In the Hellenic world they had a wide variety of signification, ranging from full-fledged divinity to nothing more than abstractions. But in early Rome and Italy they were in no sense abstractions or allegories and were likewise not thought of as possessing the anthropomorphic shape that the term personification might imply. They were things, objects of worship, like many other functions that were venerated. They were external divine forces working upon humans and affecting them with the qualities that their names described. Later on, under philosophical (particularly Stoic) influences that flooded into ethically minded Rome, they duly took their place as moral concepts, the Virtues and Blessings which abounded for centuries and were depicted in human form on Roman coinage (coin) as part of the imperial propaganda.

The Sun and stars

      Little or no contribution to cosmology was made in the Roman world, and the demonstration of Aristarchus of Samos (c. 270 BC) that the Earth revolves around the Sun received virtually no support. The complicated geocentric interpretation that held sway in Rome was summed up in Cicero's Dream of Scipio. It formed the basis for the concept of the solar system on which the popular pseudoscience of astrology was founded, the Sun being regarded as the centre of the concentric planetary spheres encircling the Earth—not the centre of the cosmos in the sense of Aristarchus but its heart. From the 5th century BC onward this solar god was identified with Apollo in his role as the supreme dispenser of agricultural wealth. Possessor of a sacred grove at Lavinium, Sol Indiges was regarded as one of the divine ancestors of Rome. During the last centuries before the Christian era, worship of the Sun (sun worship) spread throughout the Mediterranean world and formed the principal rallying point of paganism's last years. Closely associated with the sun cult was that of Mithra, the Sun's ally and agent who was elevated to partake of communion and the love feast as the god's companion. Sun worship was popular in the army, and particularly on the Danube. Aurelian, one of the great military emperors produced by that area in the 3rd century, built a magnificent temple of Sol Invictus (the “Unconquered Sun”) at Rome (274). Constantine the Great (Constantine I) declared the Sun his Comrade on empire-wide coinages and devoted himself to the cult until he adopted Christianity in its stead.

Priests (priesthood)

      Precedence among Roman priests belonged to the rex sacrorum (“king of the sacred rites”), who, after the expulsion of the kings, took over the residue of their religious powers and duties that had not been assumed by the Republican officers of state. Nevertheless, the hold exercised by the rex sacrorum and his colleagues was weakened by the Law of the Twelve Tables (c. 451–450 BC), which displayed the secular arm exercising some control over sacral law. As late as c. 275 BC the religious calendar was still dated by the rex sacrorum but by this time he was already fading into the background.

      Very early origins can also be attributed to some of the flamines (flamen), the priests of certain specific cults, and particularly to the three major flamines of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus. Jupiter's priest, the flamen dialis, was encompassed by an extraordinary series of taboos, some dating to the Bronze Age, which made it difficult to fill the office in historic times.

      Except for the rex sacrorum and flamen dialis, whose duties were unusually professional and technical, almost all Roman priesthoods were held by men prominent in public life. The social distinction and political prestige carried by these part-time posts caused them to be keenly fought for.

      There were four chief colleges, or boards, of priests: the pontifices (pontifex), augures, quindecimviri sacris faciundis, and epulones. Originally three, and finally 16 in number, the pontifices (whose name may recall antique tasks and magic rites in connection with bridges) had assumed control of the religious system by the 3rd century BC. The chief priest, the pontifex maximus (the head of the state clergy), was an elected official and not chosen from the existing pontifices. The augures, whose name may have been derived from the practice of magic in fertility rites and perhaps meant “increasers,” had the task of discovering whether or not the gods approved of an action. This they performed mainly by interpreting divine signs in the movements of birds (auspicia). Such divination (augury) was elevated, perhaps under Etruscan influence, into an indispensable preliminary to state acts, though the responsibility for the decision rested not with the priests but with the presiding state officials, who were said to “possess the auspices.” In private life too, even as late as Cicero and Horace in the 1st century BC, important courses of action were often preceded by consultation of the heavens. The Etruscan method of divining from the liver and entrails of animals (haruspicina) became popular in the Second Punic War, though its practitioners (who numbered 60 under the empire) never attained an official priesthood.

      Of the other two major colleges, the quindecimviri (“Board of Fifteen,” who earlier had been 10 in number) sacris faciundis looked after foreign rites, and the members of the other body, the epulones, supervised religious feasts. There were also fetiales (fetial), priestly officials who were concerned with various aspects of international relationships, such as treaties and declarations of war. Also six Vestal Virgins, chosen as young girls from the old patrician families, tended the shrine and fire of Vesta and lived in the House of Vestals nearby, amid a formidable array of prehistoric taboos.

Shrines and temples

      The Roman calendar, as introduced or modified in the period of the Etruscan kings, contained 58 regular festivals. These included 45 Feriae Publicae, celebrated on the same fixed day every year, as well as the Ides of each month, which were sacred to Jupiter, and the Kalends of March, which belonged to Mars. Famous examples of Feriae Publicae were the Lupercalia (February 15) and Saturnalia (December 17, later extended). There were also the Feriae Conceptivae, the dates of which were fixed each year by the proper authority, and which included the Feriae Latinae (“Latin Festival”) celebrated in the Alban Hills, usually at the end of April.

 Templum is a term derived from Etruscan divination. First of all, it meant an area of the sky defined by the priest for his collection and interpretation of the omens. Later, by a projection of this area onto the earth, it came to signify a piece of ground set aside and consecrated to the gods. At first such areas did not contain sacred buildings, but there often were altars on such sites, and later shrines. In Rome, temples (temple) have been identified from c. 575 BC onward, including not only the round shrine of Vesta but also a group in a sacred area (S. Omobono), close to the river Tiber beside the cattle market (Forum Boarium). The great Etruscan temples, made of wood with terra-cotta ornaments, were constructed later and culminated in the temple of the Capitoline Triad. Subsequently, more solid materials, such as tuff (tufa), travertine, marble, cement, and brick, gradually came into use. Temple archives, now vanished, play a large part in the historical tradition, and the anniversaries of the vows to build the temples and their dedication were scrupulously remembered and celebrated on numerous coins.

sacrifice and burial rites

 The characteristic offering of the Romans was a sacrifice accompanied by a prayer or vow. (The Triumph, associated with Jupiter, was regarded as a thanksgiving in discharge of a vow.) Animal sacrifices were regarded as more effective than anything else, the pig being the commonest victim, with sheep and ox added on important occasions. Considered best of all were the basic elements of life: heart, liver, and kidneys. human sacrifice, on the whole, was extraneous to Roman custom, though its practice among the Etruscans may have contributed to the institution of gladiatorial funeral games in both Etruria and Rome, and it was resorted to in major crises, notably during the Second Punic War (216 BC). Earlier in the century, and perhaps once before, a member of the family of the Decii had given up his life by self-sacrifice (devotio) in a critical battle.

      Although ancestors were meticulously revered, there was nothing resembling the comprehensive Etruscan attention to the dead (death rite). In spite of elaborate philosophizing by Cicero and Virgil about the possibility of some sort of survival of the soul (especially for the deserving), most Romans' ideas of the afterlife, unless they believed in the promises of the mystery religions, were vague. Such ideas often amounted to a cautious hope or fear that the spirit in some sense lived on, and this was sometimes combined with an anxiety that the ghosts of the dead, especially the young dead who bore the living a grudge, might return and cause harm. Graves and tombs were inviolable, protected by supernatural powers and by taboos. In the earliest days of Rome both cremation and inhumation were practiced simultaneously, but by the 2nd century BC the former had prevailed. Some 300 years later, however, there was a massive reversion to inhumation, probably because of an inarticulate revival of the feeling that the future welfare of the soul depended on comfortable repose of the body—a feeling that, as sarcophagi show, was fully shared by the adherents of the mystery cults, though, on the rational level, it contradicted their assurance of an afterlife in some spiritual sphere. The designs on these tombs reflect the soul's survival as a personal entity that has won its right to paradise.

Religious art

 A vast gallery of architecture, sculpture, numismatics, painting, and mosaics illustrates Roman religion and helps to fill the gaps left by the fragmentary, though extensive, literary and epigraphic record. Starting with primitive statuettes and terra-cotta temple decorations, this array eventually included masterpieces such as the Apollo of Veii. Other works of art, more than 400 years later, include paintings illustrating Dionysiac mysteries at Boscoreale near Pompeii, and the reliefs of Augustus' Ara Pacis at Rome; and with the Christian emblems of Constantinian sarcophagi and coinage a thousand years of ancient Roman religious art comes to an end.

Conclusion

      Though Roman religion never produced a comprehensive code of conduct, its early rituals of house and farm engendered a feeling of duty and unity. Its idea of reciprocal understanding between man and god not only imparted the sense of security that Romans needed in order to achieve their successes but stimulated, by analogy, the concept of mutual obligations and binding agreements between one person and another. Except for rare aberrations, such as human sacrifice, Roman religion was unspoiled by orgiastic rites and savage practices. Moreover—unlike ancient philosophy—it was neither sectarian nor exclusive. It was a tolerant religion, and it would be difficult to think of any other whose adherents committed fewer crimes and atrocities in its name.

Michael Grant

Additional Reading

General works include J.A. North, Roman Religion (2000), a short introduction; H.J. Rose, Ancient Roman Religion (1948), still a standard work; Robert E.A. Palmer, Roman Religion and Roman Empire (1974); Lesley Adkins and Roy A. Adkins, Dictionary of Roman Religion (1996); and Ramsay MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (1981).Special periods and subjects are treated in Michael Grant, Roman Myths (1971, reissued 1984); Ross Shepard Kraemer, Women's Religions in the Greco-Roman World: A Sourcebook (2004); Antonia Tripolitis, Religions of the Hellenistic-Roman Age (2002); Jon Davies, Death, Burial, and Rebirth in the Religions of Antiquity (1999); Agnes Kirsopp Michels, The Calendar of the Roman Republic (1967, reprinted 1978); F.S. Naiden, Ancient Supplication (2006); Eric M. Orlin, Temples, Religion, and Politics in the Roman Republic (2002); Alan Wardman, Religion and Statecraft Among the Romans (1982); Duncan Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. 1 in 2 parts (1988); Lily Ross Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (1931, reprinted 1981); A.D. Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (1933, reprinted 1988); and Michael Grant, The Climax of Rome: The Final Achievements of the Ancient World, A.D. 161–337 (1968);Collections of articles that treat various aspects of Roman religion include Michael Grant and Rachel Kitzinger (eds.), Civilisation of the Ancient Mediterranean: Greece and Rome, 3 vol. (1988), especially the essays in vol. 2; Larissa Bonfante (ed.), Etruscan Life and Afterlife: A Handbook of Etruscan Studies (1986); Edward Bispham and Christopher Smith (eds.), Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and Experience (2000); Dan Cohn-Sherbok and John M. Court (eds.), Religious Diversity in the Graeco-Roman World: A Survey of Recent Scholarship (2001); and Clifford Ando (ed.), Roman Religion (2003).Among the useful treatments of the transitional period to Christianity are Keith Hopkins, A World Full of Gods: The Strange Triumph of Christianity (2000); E.R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety: Some Aspects of Religious Experience from Marcus Aurelius to Constantine (1965); Robert C. Smith and John Lounibos, Pagan and Christian Anxiety: A Response to E.R. Dodds (1984); A.D. Lee, Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity: A Sourcebook (2000); John R. Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century (2000); and Jeffrey W. Hargis, Against the Christians: The Rise of Early Anti-Christian Polemic (1999).Michael Grant Ed.

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